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MA 




A MONTHLY RECORD OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL SCIENCE. 



PUBLISHED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE 



ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE 



OF 



GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. 



VII. 



19 0T. 



Nos. 1—107. 
^VITH PLATES A— M, 



PUBLISHED BY THE 

ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE 

3, HANOVER SQUARE. LONDON, W. 



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^fX/l->(U^ 



OOISTTEITTS- 



ORIOINAJL ARTIGLBB. 

No. 
AMea. Note on the Southern Ba-Mbala. ( With Plate F, and Jlluftratiom.) E. TORDAY and 

X« ^Lm UClXi^uy iSl.aXV* ••• •«« .,• c,c ... «•• ... ... ... «•• ••• \t£k 

AfHca, East. Kibuka, the War God of the Baganda. {With Plate L. and Illustrations.') 

■LvEV. tJ . xvOSCOE* IxL.iv. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... .., ... ... .■• «fO 

Africa: Folklore, stone-built Towns in Bantu Folk-Tales. Andrew Lano 30 

AMca, South. Aboriginal Rock Chippings on the Farm Blauwboschdrift, Herbert, South 

Africa. (With Plate A,) J. P. Johnson 88 

AfHca, South. Bushmen Paintings in the Transvaal 58 

Africa, South. Notes on some Puberty and otlier Customs of the Natives of Natal and Zululand. 

{With Diagram,') H. C. LUGG 73 

Africa, South. Notes on some South African Tribes. {With Plate D. and Ultuit rat ions.) 

E. Sidney Hartland, F.S.A. 35 

AfHca, South : ArchSdOlOg'y. Note on a stone Implement from the Embabaan Valley, South 

Africa. {Illustrated,) J. P. Johnson 54 

Africa, South-East. Note on the Review of Dr. Randall-Mad ver*s Mediteral If hodesia in the 

Literary Supplement of 7%^ ^?7«<!#, April 6th, 1906. E. ToRDAY 45 

AfHca. See aUo Egypt ; Rhodesia. 

AmeHca, North. Notes on certain Clubs from North America. {^With Plate G. ami 

Illustration.) David I. BUSHNBLL, Junr 59 

AmeHca, North. Primitive Salt-Making in the Mississippi Valley. {With Plate li. and 

Ilhixf rat ions.) DAVID I. BuSHNELL, Junr. 13 

AmeHca, North. On an unusual form of Tomahawk from l^ake Superior. {Illustrated.) 

VV . vyRciWDSON, Al.A.i r .o.A.. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 1(14 

America, North- West. Haida Portrait mask. {With Plate A.) Henry BALFOUR, M. A. 1 

America, North-West. On the Lanj?uagc of the Ten'H. Rev. J. Jettk, S.J 36 

America, ^ee also Chile. 

Anthropology, Physical. See Cranioloqy; Scotland. 

ArchSDOlogy. Celtic Sword Blades. Andrew Lang S 

ArchSDOlOgy. Thin Arrow Heads. W. ALLEN Sturqe 26 

ArchSDOlogy : Eoliths. The Case for Eoliths Re-stated. Rev. H. O. 0. Kendall, M.A. ... 53 
ArchseolOgy : Eoliths. Nature-made '* Eolithic " Implements. {Illustrated,) WORTHINOTON 

V4» l^dll X U.^ I. mXj»Cjm •■• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ■•• «■• ••• ••• W^# 

ArchseolOgy: France. Notes on a Dolmen at Presles, France. {Illustrated.) A. L. Lewis, 

•X aVy* A&a ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• 9 at 

ArchseolOgy : Pygmy Flints. Pygmy Flints, {illustrated.) Rev. H. G. 0. Kendall, M.A. 88 
ArchSBOlOgy : Pyrenees. Les mains rouges et noires tie la Grotte de Gargas. E. Car- 

■*• ^ ^ kJlX £\.\j ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• "Jl 

ArchSBOlogy. See also AFRICA, South ; Chile ; Egypt ; England ; India ; Switzer- 
land ; Wales. 

Asia. See India. 

Australia. Australia : Prayer. Andrew Lang 42 

Australia. Australia: Prayer. R. R. Marett, M.A 2 

Australia: Prayer. Australia : Prayer. A Reply to Man, 19U7, 42. R. R. Marett, M.A..., 72 

Australia. The Native Tribes of South-East Australia. A. W. HowiTT, C.M.(}., Sc.D. ... 61 

Australia. The Native Tribes of South-East Australia. A Reply to Dr. Howitt. Andrew 

-A i**A.~ \3t ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••■ ••• ••• ••■ ••• ••• ^#^2 

Australia. Ngeumba and Euahlayi. E. Sidney Hartland, F.S.A 28 

Australia. Note on the Social Organisation of the Turrubul and adjacent Tribes. U. H. 

J^X. ^L A sjL J3i *f O ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••■ ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• 29 M 

Australia. Questions australiennes. A. Van Gennep 16 

Australia. See aho Totem ISM. 

Bibliography. Bibliography of Anthropology and Folklore. XORTHCOTE W. Thoma.**, M.A. 51 

Biography. Congratulations to Ed wanl Burnett Tyh.r. E. B 90 

Biography. See also Obituary. 

Chile. On .Pottery Fragments found at Taltal, Northern Chile {With Plate K), Oswald H. 

■^ • Ai^ Of f •vl tO* •■• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ■•• ••• ••• 4mS 

CraniolOgry. Note on a Cranium fi-oni Bartlow, Caml>s. W. L. H. Duckworth, M.D., Sc.D. 98 
Egypt. On a Maul from Upper Egjpt. {Illustrated.) H. W. Seton-Karr 5 



No. 

EgyDt. The Soul-House in Egypt. (^With Plate H, and Illustratiafit.) Prof. W. M. Flinders 

X JSt X Mm A C<^ X>^* v./'* J-J»^ " • XVaO* ••• ••• ••• ••■ ••• •■• ••• •■• ■•• ••• iX 

Egypt : ArchseolOgy. Excavations at Deir el-Bahari (1906-7). (With Phite M. and IUuk- 

tratiansj) Prof. E. Navillb, D.C.L., LL.D 102 

England : ArchSdOlOgy. An Arrowhead of Rare Type from Bauwell Camp, Somerset. 

{Illustrated.) H. St. Georqe Gray 37 

England : ArchseolOgy. The Flint Supplies of the Ancient Cornish. A. L. Lewis, F.C.A.... 14 
England : ArchseolOgy. The Flint Supplies of the Ancient Cornish. S. Hazzledinb 

vT £^ ttttuA « f •Vjr»k'« ••• ••■ ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ■•• ••• ••■ 4^ f 

England: ArchSBOlOgy. Notes on some Palasolithic and Neolithic Implements from East 

Lincolnshire. (Illustrated,') S. Hazzledine Warren, F.G.S 89 

Europe. Se^ Aroh-«ology, France ; Aroh^oloot, Pyrenees ; England ; Scotland ; 
Switzerland ; Wales. 

Folklore. Not to seethe a Kid in its Mother's Milk. J. G. Frazer 96 

Folklore. Seething the Kid. Andrew Lang 108 

Folklore. See also AFRICA, FOLKLORE. 

India, South. The Cochin Tribes and Castes. A. H. Keane, LL.D 29 

India. Gandhara Sculptures. (Jlliist rated.) O. M. Dalton, M.A., F.S.A 43 

Linguistics. See America, North-West. 

N ew Zealand, a New Zealand Box (Waka) ( With Plate C. atid Illustrativru) J. Edge- 

A ^L MA k JL X^ Vr X ^^X^ ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• «•• ••• ••• ••• ••• *•• Jm^9 

Obituary. Leon Vanderkimlere. John Beddoe, M.D., F.K.S 6 

Pacific. See New Zealand; Polynesia; Solomon Islands. 

Polynesia: Rennell Island. Notes on Rennell island. (Illustrated.) C. M. Woodford... 24 

Religrion. See Africa, East ; Australia. 

Rhodesia. Notes and Queries on Dr. Randall-Maclver's " Mediaeval Rhoclesia," Fred Eyles 7 

Scotland: Physical Anthropology. Observations on the Scottish Insane. J. F. ToCHER 

ancl J. I5EDDOE ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... o^ 

Solomon Islands. Ingava, Chief of Rubiana. (Illustrated.) T. W. Edge. Partington... 15 

Solomon Islands. Notes on Solomon Island Baskets and Lonl Howe's Group. (Illustrated.) 

XV* X J\AJ^ XXV DwM ••• m • • ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ■•• ■•• ••• ■•• ••• A^#^# 

Switzerland. The Proposeil Exploration of the Station at \a\ Tene. D. I. B., Junr 8 

Totemism. Concept ional Tot emism and Exogamy. Andrew Lang ..» 55 

Totemism. See also Australia. 

Wales. Modern Druids in Wales. A. L. Lewis, F.C.A 44 

Wales: ArchSdOlOgy. Nutes on some Rude Stone Monuments in Glamorganshire. 

X^* Xj* X.il!i vV X W« M %\J m-*\% ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••« ••• ■•• £t^0 



REVIEWS. 

AMca, Central. Werner, riie Natives of British Central Africa. H. B. B 77 

Africa: Congo. Halkin. Quelqurs Peupladesdu district de VUele. E. TORDAY 100 

Aft*ica: Congo. Notes a/Mlutif/ues xur les Collections Ethnoaraphiqurs du Musee du Co/too. 

'I' A T Q51 

■^ * *X* KM • ••• ••• ••• ••• ••« •■■ ••• ••• ••• •■• ■•■ ••• ••• ^#^# 

Africa: Congo. Notes aHalf/tiquex Miir les (hllections IJthfwtjraphit/ues du Musee du (Snujo. 

T A Invt'K 01 

Aft*ica, East. Maugham. Portuguese ICanf Africa. RALPH A. DURAND .. 21 

Aft*ica: Liberia. Johnston. Liberia. (Illustrated.) ('. P 9 

Aft*ica, South. John»)n. The Stone Implements of Situ fh Africa. IlENKY Balfouk ... 67 

Aft*ica, South CentraL Smith, a Handbook of the I la Ijanguage. RALPH DURAND ... 80 

AMca, West. Dennett. .\t the Hack of the Black Mans Mind. E. T 98 

Africa, West. Leonard. The Lttwer Niger and itx Tribes. E. SIDNEY Hartland, F.S.A. ... 49 

Africa. See also Madagascar. 

America, Central. Tozzcr. .1 Comparatire study of the Mayas and Lacafidones. A. C. 

1 9 i\ Cd X \J a1««« ••■ ••• ••• ••• •■• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• V^H 

America, North, ll ill-Tout. British North America: '/'//f* i*///- TF^v/. D. 1. BlJSHNELL, .luiir. 75 

Anthropology. Pitt-liivtra. The Evolution of Culture and other Ussays. O.M.I) 66 

Anthropology: Various. Various authors. BoaM Anniversary Volume. DAVID I. 

uUSUNELL, jurir.... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... oO 

Anthropology : PhysicaL See Embryology ; Scotland. 

ArchSdOlOgy. Thieullen. /ws IWjugcs cf fcs Faits en Industrie prchintorif/ue. A. L. L. ... 22 

ArchSDOlOgy. See also GREECE : L\dia ; roTTEKV. 

Asia. «V<? Balochistan : Further India; India; Malay; Persia; Sia.m ; Tibet. 



No. 
Australia. Thomas. Kinship Organisation and Group Marriage in Australia. W. H. R. 

•^V X V d I*wf IMX. m X>/« ••• ••• ••■ ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••■ 4^\# 

Australia. Thomas. TJie Natire Haces of Auxtralia. E. A. P 63 

BalOChistan: Ballad Poetry. Dames. Popular Poetry of tJte Baloches. W. Crooke ... 79 
Embryology. Kollmann. Ilandutlas der Entwickelungsgeschichte des Meftschen. W. L. H. 

X^ U 1> IL 1^ UKx U I ju.x/.f DO. L/. ... ... ... ••• ..« ... ... ... ... ••• nlO 

Europe. See Greece ; Ireland : Russia ; Scotland. 

Folklore. Eckenstein. Cotfijtaratite Studies in Xnrsery Rhymes. E. SIDNEY Hartland, 

FC A Al \ 

• ^ ' • «a • ••• ••■ •■• •■• ••■ ••• ••• ••• •■• •■• ••• ••• •«• ^V%^ 

Folklore. See also BALOCHISTAN ; TIBET. 

Further India. Schmidt. Die Mon-Khmer- Volher ein Bindeglied zwischen Volkern Zentral- 

asiens und austronesiens. SIDNEY H. Ray 107 

Greece. Lang. Homer and his Age. R. A. S. 18 

India. Crooke. Xat ires of yort hern India. E. A. P. 99 

India. Havell. Benares: The Sacred City. W. CROOKE 34 

India. Logan. Old Chipped Stones of India. S. Hazzledine Warren 68 

India, South. Thurston. Ethnographic Xotes in Southern India. W. H. R. Rivers ... 19 

India, South. Rivers. Tlie Todas. M. J. W. 17 

India. See also BALOCHISTAN ; FURTHER INDIA. 

Ireland: LingruiStiCS. Quiggin. A Dialect of Donegal. M. LONOWORTH Dames 11 

Ungruisties. ^S^^ Africa, south Central; Further India; Ireland; Madagascar; 
Malay ; Torres Straits. 

Madagascar. Ferrand. Une texte Arahico-Malgache and other Works. Sidney H. Ray ... 31 

Malay. Bland. If isforical Tombstones of Malacca. C. O. Blagden, M.A 64 

Malay. Skeat : Blagden. Pagan Itaces of the Malay Peninsula. (Illustrated.) C. G. S. ... 38 

Malay. Wilkinson. The Peninsular Malays. I. — Malay Beliefs. C. 0. BLAGDEN 32 

Method. Strong. Lectures on the Method of Science. O. M. D 78 

Persia. Jackson. Persia: Past and Present. M. LONG WORTH Dames 76 

Pacific. See Polynesia ; Torres Straits. 

Polynesia. Brown. Maori and Polynesian. T 85 

Pottery. Walters. History of Ancient Pottery. H. H 10 

Religions. Anwyl and others. Religions Ancient and Modern. A. H. Keane, LL.D. ... 47 

Religions. Bailey and others. Religions Ancient and Modern. A. H. KSANE, LL.D 57 

Religions. Bamett: Ameer ah. Religions Ancient and Modern. W. CROOKE 50 

Religrions. See also Malay. 

Russia. Meakin. Russia: Travels and Studies. J. G 65 

Scotland: Anthropometry. Tocher. Anthropometric Surrey of the Inmates of Asylums in 

Scotland. JOHN Beddoe, M.D., F.R.S 48 

Siam. Thompson. Lotus Land. R. G. B 39 

Sociology. Thomas. Sex and Stteiety. W. H. R. RiVERS, M.D ... 69 

Tibet. O'Connor. Folk-Tales from Tibet. W. Crooke 20 

Torres Straits. Ray. Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to the Torres 

Straits. Vol. Ill, Linguistics. P. W. SCHMIDT, S.V.D 106 

Warfare. Payne-Gallwey. Project ile-Throicing Engines of the Ancients. ( With Plate 1-J. 

and Illustrations.) Henry Balfour, M.A 84 



ANNOUNGBMBNT8. 

Anthropologrical Institute ; Augmentation of Title 70 

Anthropology. Proposed International Congress of Anthropological Societies at Cologne, in 

Conquest, ltf07 J2 

New School of ArchSDology and Arehseography at Moscow, v. e. Marsden ... 81 



VI 



PR00BBDIK08 OF 80CIBTIB8. 

No. 

Anthpopology at the British Association, Leicester Meeting, July Sl-Angust 7, 

A«r^# ••• ••• •■• ••• ••• •■« ••• ••• ■•• ••• ••• ••• ••• ^0 § m «FTV 

CongF^s Prihistorique de France, Autun. a. l. l 101 



DESCRIPTION OF THE PLATES. 

A. Haida Portrait Mask With No. 1 

B. Primitive Salt-making in the Mississippi Valley ,. 13 

C. New Zealand Box (Waka) 28 

D. Photographs of some Bantu Tribes .. 35 

E. Pottery Fragments from Taltal, Northern Chile „ 41 

P. Ethnographical Objects from the Southern Ba-Mbala ., 52 

o. Clubs from North America .. 59 

H. The Soul-House in Egypt .. 71 

• l-j. Timur (Tamerlane) ,. 84 

K. Aboriginal Rock Chippings, Herbert, South Africa ,i 88 

L. Kibuka, The War God of the Baganda ,. 95 

M. Excavations at Deir cl-Bahari ., 102 



ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT. 

N,B. — All are PhctograpJa^ except where otherwise stated. 

Maul from Upper Egypt 

" Sande " or ** Boni '» Girls (of the Initiation School) Western Liberia 

Plan of the Main Excavation, Kimmswick Site. 1902. (^Drawing. ^ (Fig- !•) 

Pans 111 and IV in the Undisturbed Clay. (^Drawing,) (Fig. 2.) 

Pottery Cover and Jar. (Fig. 3.) 

Bone Lance Point, (Fig. 4.) 
Shell Objects. (Fig. 5.) ... 

XUICt* Vc« «•• ••• ••• ••• •■• ••• ••• ••• ••■ ••• ••• 

► 'IvlC V ICVt vIL JDx/^ «•• •■« ••• ••« ••« ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• 

Man of Renuell Island. {Drawing.') (Fig. 1.) 

Man of Renuell Island (Back View). {Drawing.) (Fig. 2.) 

Woman of Rennell Island. {Drawing,) (Fig. 3.) 

Method of Felling Trees. {Drawing.) (Fig. 4.) 

Bamakoma. Mankwongwa. (Fig. 1.) .: 

Fig. 2. Small Objects of Stone. {Drawing.) 

Arrow Head of Rare Type. {Drawing.) 

Sakai Family, Ulu Bikum. near Bi<ior 

Gandhara Sculpture , 

Method of Hair- Dressing. {Drawing from Photo,) (Fig. 1.) 

Toy Cross-Bow. {Drawing.) (Fig. 2.) 

Stone Implement, Embabaan Valley. {Drawing.) 

Triangular Depressions on the Back of Club H. {Drawing.) (Fig. 1.) 

" Eolithic " Scraper, Alderbury. {Drawing.) (Fig. 1.) 

*' Eolithic " Scraper, Alderbury. {Drawing.) (Fig. 2.) 

" Eolith," Ca<ldington, near Dunstable. {Drawing.) (Fig. 3.) ... ' 

Pottery Figure of a Camel. (Fig. 1.) 

Diagram of Grave. {Drawing.).., 

'• I^a Pierre Tun luaise." {Drawing.) (Fig. 1.) 



With No 


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ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TWLT—continuea 

Interior of ** La Pierre Turquaiiie." (Fig. 2.) 

Pygmy Flints. (^Drawing.) 

Fig. 1, Turkish Thumb Ring. (^Drawing.) 

Figs. 2 and 3, Persian Thumb Rings. (^Drawings.) 

Figs. 1, 2, and 3, Palaeolithic Implements from East Lincolnshire. 

Kibuka's Knife and Bell. (Fig. 1.) 

Kibuka's Small Shield. (Fig. 2.) 

Kibuka*B Large Shield. (Fig. 3.) 

Goatskin Bag for holding Relics of Kibuka. (Fig. 4.) 
The Descending Passage of the Ka-8anctuary. (Fig. 7.) 

The Naos of the Ka-Sanctuary. (Fig. 8.) 

The Altar and Cella from the Entrance of the Speos. (Fig. 9.) 
Figs. 1 and 2, Tomahawk of unusual design. (Fig. 2. Drawing.') 
Graveyard of the Members of the King's Family (Tu'u), lx)rd Howe. (Fig. 1.) 
Graveyard of the Common People (Matua), Lord Uowc. (Fig. 2.) 



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Smimii*!, W \V., 106*- 
Sj. ion-Kaick, II. \V., 5- 
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Si I iM.K, W. A., 25. 

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Yin 



LIST OF AUTHORS. 



-V.^. — Ths Numhert to which an atterish is added are those of Reviews of Book*, 



B., E., 90. 

B., H. B., 77». 

B., R. G., 39». 

Balfour, H., 1, 67*, 84*. 

Beddoe, J., 6, 48*, 82. 

Blagdex, C. O., 32* 64*. 

Breton, A. C, 92*. 

Bushnell, D. I., 8, 13, 59, 75*, 86*. 

Cartailhac, E., 4. 

Crewdson, W., 104. 

Crooke, W., 20», 34*, oO», 79». 

Dalton, O. M., 43, 66», 78*. 
Dames, M.L., 11*, 76\ 
Duckworth, W. L. H., 46*, 98. 
DURAND, R., 21*, 80*. 

Edoe-Partinoton, J., 23. 
Edge-Partington, T. W., 15. 
Evans, O. H., 41. 
Etles, F., 7. 

Frazer, J. 6., 96. 

G., J., 65*. 
Gennkp, a. van, 16. 
Gray, H. 8t. G., 37. 

H., U., 10*. 

Hartland, E. S., 28, 35, 40*, 49*. 

Howitt, a. W., 61. 

Jettk, J., 36. 
Johnson, J. P., 54, 88. 
Joyce, T. A., 33*, 52, 91 •. 



Keaxe, a., H., 29, 47», 57*. 
Kendall, H. G. O., 53, 83. 

Lang, A., 3, 30, 42, r^'}, 62, 103. 
Lewis, A. L., 14, 22*, 26, 44, 74, 101 

LuGG, II. C, 73. 

Marett, R. R., 2, 72. 
Marsdex, V. E., 81. 
Mathews, R. H., 97. 

Naville, E., 102. 

P., E. A., 63», 99». 
Parkinson, R., 105. 
Petrie, W. M. F., 71. 

Rat, S. H., 31*, 107*. 
Rivers, W. H. R., 19*, 56*, 69. 
RoscoE, J., 95. 

S., C. G., 38*. 
S., R. A., 18*. 
Schmidt, P. W., 106*. 
Seton-Karr, H. W., 5. 
Smith, W. G., 60. 
Sturge, W. a., 25. 

T., 85». 

Thomas, N. W., 51. 

Tocher, J. F., 82. 

ToRDAY, E., 45, 52, 93*, 100». 

W., M. J., n*. 

Warren, S. H., 27, 68», 89. 

Woodford, C. M., 24. 



MAN 



A MONTHLY RECORD OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL SCIENCE. 

PUBLISHED UNDER THE DIRECTION OP 
THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. 



iV.JE?. — All eommunicatiofis pr'mied in Max are signed or initialled by their 
authors^ ami the Council of the Institute desires it to he understood that in giving 
publicity to them it accepts no responsibility /or the opinions or statemeiits expressed. 

N,B. — Man, 1907, consists of twelve monthly-published sheets^ of sixteen pages 
each^ printed in single column ; containing " Original Articles " and substantial 
" Reviews " of recent publications ; all numbered consecutively 1, 2, 3, onwards, 

N,R, — Articles published in Max should be quoted by the year^ and the 
reference-ntimber of the article, not by the page-reference ; e.g., the article which begins 
on p, 3 below should be quoted as Man, 1907. 3. 



ORiaiNAL ARTICLES. 
America, North- West. With Plate A. Balfour. 

Haida Portrait Mask. By Henry Balfour, M,A. i 

It is by no moans of common ooenrrenco to find savage artists indnlf^ini; in I 
attempts at realistic portraitnre of their fellows, most of their representations of the 
linman form bein^ more or less conventionalised, and ])ortrait stndies, at any rate snc- 
cessfnl ones, are therefore somewhat scarce amonj^ the art prodnctions of primitive 
peoples. 

The mask representetl in Plate A is, I think, of some interest as lieing nndonlitedly 
a portrait ; and, I may mid, it is one of the most snccessfnl exam])les of realistic carving 
which I have hitherto seen from the hands of a savage s<Milptor. It was carved bv a 
Haida man some forty years ago, an<l was obtained fron) him by Dr. F. Dally in Queen 
Charlotte Island in 186S. It is a true mask, hollowed out at the })ack so as to fit over 
the face and perforated through the eyes, though there is no depression into which 
the wearer's nose would fit. There are lateral holes above the ears for tying-on strings. 
The niask is carved from a solid block of the wood of some coniferous tree. Dr. Dally 
records that it was intended to be a portrait of the artist's wife, and in* adds that 
it was a good likeness. The carving is life-sized and has been executed with very 
considerable skill, and the close attention manifestly given to detail affords evidence of 
an unusual appreciation of the surface modelling of the human face. The general 
contour is excellently rendered, and the eve-* and other features are skilfullv treated. 
The facial wrinkles have been represented with care and give considerable character to 
the face. An interesting feature is the re])resentation of the fashionably large wocxlen 
plug or stud inserted in the lower lip, distending the latter to a remarkable extent. The 
tension upon the lower lip, due to this plug, im|)arts a drawn appearance to the upper 
lip, faithfully rendere<l in the mask : the obliteration of the central, sub-nasal furrow, 
technically known as the philtrum^ being, no doubt, caused by the downward and 
lateral tension of the mus(;les due to the extreme projertion of the lower lip. The 
displacement of the lower lip exposes the lower front teeth, while tending to <lraw the 
upper lip more over the up])er row of teeth. The ears are to a slight extent conven- 
tionallv treatr'd. The colouring of the mask is brownish-red, resenibling Indian red in 

[ 1 ] 



No8. 1-2.] MAN. [1907. 

tint, the alee of the nose and the ears being painted in a darker tone of the same colour. 
The hair, eyebrows, and eye-pupils are black, and the teeth are whitened. 

This interesting mask was acquired by the late General Pitt Rivers, together with 
©ther specimens from Dr. Daily's collection, and is now in the Pitt Rivers Museum 
at Oxford. "^ HENRY BALFOUR. 



Australia. Marett. 

Australia: Prayer. By R. R. Marett^ M.A. A 

I should like to see the question threshed out, whether Mrs. Langloh £ 
Parker's cases of prayer amongst the Euahlayi will bear critical examination. At 
present I incline, for reasons I shall try to set forth, to question their authenticity 
(though not, of course, the bona fides of the authoress). Perhaps Mr. Lang, if he 
disagrees with me (and has time), would undertake their defence. 

Mrs. Langloh Parker cites two occasions when prayer occurs : (1) at the Boorah 
ceremony ; (2) at the graveside of a man who had been initiated at the Boorah. In 
both cases the prayer is addressed to Byamee, " the great one," who presides over the 
Boorah. In (1) he is asked to let the blacks live long, since they have kept his 
ceremony, the Boorah ; in (2) to let the dead man enter Bullimah (heaven), since he 
has kept the Boorah laws. 

Mrs. Langloh Parker speaks at second-hand ; "It was told to me" (p. 8). In (1) 
we are left to presume that the informant was a native, though it is morally certain 
that he (or she ?) was. In (2) the native informant is mentioned by name ; he was a 
man who conducted the funeral of a woman, and might be supposed to know all about 
what he was describing. In neither case are the ipsissima verba reported. 

Was the practice current when Mrs. Langloh Parker wrote? As to (1), she says 
she was told it occurred " at some initiatory rites." Does this mean simply " at the 
" inner Boorah ring " (p. 79), or that the practice was occasional ? Mr. Lang 
(Introduction, p. x), we may note, speaks of the Boorah initiations as preserved 
" in a decadent form." As to (2), the custom is clearly stated to be obsolete (pp. 8 
and 89). Curiously enough, the natives have dropped the prayer, but have retained 
such practices as sweeping round the grave to discover the track of the totem -animal 
of the author of the death. Moreover, it has been dropped, although initiations, and 
therefore the deaths of initiated persons, continue. It does not seem deep-rooted. 

What about missionary influence ? Mr. Lang speaks of " the absence of missionary 
" influences " (p. x) in the case of the Euahlayi (though they were by no means 
" wild blacks," but lived round a station, acted as helps, &c.). But the Boorah 
ceremony was not confined to the Euahlayi. "Tribes" from hundreds of miles round 
met to celebrate it, differing so much from each other that some had the custom 
of knocking out teeth whilst others had not (p. 74). Now is it certain that none of 
these tribes had come under missionary influences, direct or indirect ? Let us 
remember that Byamee (Baiame) was used as a term for the Christian God by mis- 
sionaries amongst the Kamilaroi as far back as 1856 (p. 5) ; which use must have 
spread by means of native converts or whites of a proselytising tendency, even if no 
one ever proselytised immediately round Mrs. Langloh Parker's station. Moreover, 
what is the significance of what we hear (pp. 75, 76) about the tales told to the 
boys by the old men about the curse that would come to the country in the shape of 
the " white devils " if the tribes fell away from the Boorah rites ? May we not 
reconstruct the situation thus ? The rites were decadent ; there followed curses for 
those who fell away, prayers on behalf of those who stuck to the ceremonies ; all 
this after the " white devils' " advent in the country (if " white devils " may in this 
context be identified with white men, cf. p. 101), after missionary exploitation of the 
name Byamee, and instruction in the art of praying to him. 

[ 2 ] 



1907.] MAN^ [Nos. 2-3. 

Finallj, is Mrs. Langloh Parker a reporter capable of refraining from asking 
leading questions, colouring what she is told, and so on ? Let me call attention to 
the following passage (p. 79) : " Though we may say that actually these people have 
** but two attempts at prayers, one at the grave and one at the inner Boorah ring, 
" I think, perhaps, we are wrong. These two seem the only ones directly addressed 
" to Byamee. But perhaps it is his indirect aid which is otherwise wished. Daily 
^^ set prayers seefti to them a foolishness and an insult, rather than otherwise, to 
** Byamee. He knows ; why weary him by repetition, disturbing the rest he enjoys 
" after his earth labours ? " The itjilics are mine. To me this seems a bad case of 
colouring. Or else the Euahlayi have been proselytised. R. R. MARETT. 



Arclieeology. Langr. 

Celtic Sword Blades. B^ Andrew Lang. Q 

In L\4nthropologie (May-August, 1906, pp. 342-358) M. Salomon Reinach V 
presents a new interpretation of a strange Greek passage on the badness of Celtic 
iron. The passage (Polybius, ii., 33) is familiar to all. The author describes the 
victory of the Consul, C. Flaminius, over the Insubres, in 223. The Gauls, he says, used 
large iron swords, which bent at the first stroke, and were useless if the warrior had 
not time to straighten them with his foot against the ground. The Roman officers 
therefore gave to their front rank the pikes of the triarii ; the Celtic swords doubled 
up against the pikes, and the Romans gave the point with their swords. Polybius 
does not say that these tastics were adopted in any other battle. 

The story is puzzling, for the Gauls had long been in the age of iron, yet it 
seems that they would have found bronze more serviceable than pointless sword 
blades of bad iron. 

Plutarch, in his Camillus, represents the Celtic swords as equally bad more than 
a century earlier ; Camillus therefore arms the Romans in harness of iron. Plutarch 
may follow Polybius, or may have erred for the same reason as M. Reinach supposes 
Polybius to have done. Modern authors have credited Livy with a similar state- 
ment, but there is no such passage in Livy. If Plutarch merely follows Polybius, 
Polybius is the only authority for the badness of Celtic iron. 

In 1774 a captain of cavalry, de Segrais, remarked that Polybius must be 
speaking of a single occasion, for a people like the Gauls would not have conquered 
far and wide, and resisted Rome so long, with such worthless weapons. The fact 
would be impossible, unless the iron of other races were equally bad ; and if it were, 
why did these races abandon the use of bronze ? 

The explanation of M. Reinach is that Polybius, though he was " an historian 
of the first rank," and though he was born only eight years after the battle which 
he describes, introduced a mere a^tiological myth. It was common to destroy the 
objects buried with the dead man — to kill them as he was killed — perhaps to set the 
spirits of the objects free that they might accompany the spirit of their dead owner. 
Many doubled-up Celtic swords are found in graves. The hypothesis is that people 
finding these spoiled swords in tombs supposed that they had been spoiled in battle, 
and that their doubling up thus caused the defeat of their owners. But doubled-up 
bronze spear-heads are common in graves, and no myth avers that thet/ were spoiled 
in battle. Again, all the grave goods would equally be injured, not the swords alone. 
Polybius, being confessedly an historian in the first rank, can scarcely have 
adopted an (etiological myth, supposed to have been evolved in his own time, and 
introduced it, as a matter of fact, with an account of a corresponding change in 
Roman tactics, into his description of a single battle. If he had no literary source 
of information, being born in 215, he would learn as much about this battle from 
the talk of his seniors as a man born in 1753 would gather from survivors about 

[ 3 ] 



Nos. 3-4.] MAN. [1907. 

the battle of CuUoden, fought iu 1746. But he had a literary source, in Fabius 
Pictor, who had fought in the Gallic war. 

There is a passage descriptive of a battle of about a.d. 1000, in the Ejrbyggja 
saga, in which a hero has to straighten a beautiful sword of bad metal, with his 
foot, whenever the blade strikes on armour. Is this borrowed from Polybius ? If 
Polybius really introduced a perfectly new myth, with fanciful details, into his 
history of an event perhaps forty years old when he wrote, his character as a first 
class historian is totally lost. Herodotus did nothing so fantastic. 

M. Reinach finds the rapid evolution of the myth curious " in the full light of 
history and from the pen of so great an historian as Polybius," and it is no les& 
curious that the doubled-up spear heads of bronze, found in tombs, did not generate 
a eimilar fable, while no myth arose from the other broken grave goods which, as 
M. Reinach says, were brought to Rome from Corinth. 

The passage in Polybius remains a puzzle, and certainly should not be advanced 
as proof that Celtic iron sword blades were universally execrable. 

ANDREW LANG- 



Arcliseoloffy : Pyrenees. Cartailhac. 

Les mains routes et noires de ia frotte de Cartas. By E, 1 

Cart ail hac, T 

La grotte de Gargas, commune d'Aventignau, Hautes-Pyrenees, est bien connue. 
Sa situation au voisinage de Montrejeau et de Luchon la reud accessible a tous les 
touristes. M. Felix Reguault, de Toulouse, y a recueilli a diverges reprises 
d'admirables specimens de la grande fauue quaternaire, notamment des ours de 
tailles diverses, des hyenes, une panthere, un loup qui ont enrichi le museum de 
Paris et que M. Albert Gaudry et M. Boule ont decrits. 

Plus recemment M. F. Regnault a explore un large foyer, depuis longtemps 
entrevu, qui lui a livre des vestiges fort interessants du sejour de Thabitant primitif 
de la vaste caverue. M. Tabbe Breuil et moi nous avons pu examiner ces trouvailles 
et reconnaitre que cette station humaine est Tune des plus anciennes des Pyrenees. 
Elle correspond a cette ample periode post-moustierienne qui comprend le facies 
d'Aurignac et dont Timportance est plus considerable qu'on ne le supposait naguere. 

M. Regnault dans une recente visite a la grotte eut son attention attiree pur 
quelques traces rouges sur un point de la parois. II eoustata que c'etait un groupe 
de mains et s'empressa de signaler cette decouverte a la Societe d'Anthropologie de 
Paris. 

Averti par M. Reguault et sa communication ayant informe le public, je me 
suis empresse (Taller observer le fait nouveau dans une grotte qui est propriete 
communale, louee a un fermier toujours a la disposition des visiteurs. 

Le fait el ait naturellement exact et tres curieux. Mais ma surprise fut grande 
et ma joie pen ordinaire de coustater que, des Pentree, le pourtour de la grande 
galerie principale offrait de nombreuses traces semblables. 

La grotte de Gargas apparaissait comrae une des plus remarquables de la serie 
des cavernes ornees de peintures. Ses peintures offrent une physionomie excep- 
tiounelle. Elles completent nos connaissances sur Tart et les moeurs des paleo- 
lithiques dans une mesure tres inattendue, comme M. Tabhe Breuil et moi nous 
essayerons de Fexposer dans une notice qui suivra notre publication sur la grotte de 
Marsoulas (Haute-Garonne). 

Les mains de la grotte de Gargas ne sent pas uniquement rouges, bon nombre 
sent noires et dans plusieurs groupes ou voit des unes et des autres rapprochees 
systemat iquement, semble-t-il. 

[ 4 ] 



1907.] MAN. [No. 4. 

Mais la figure de la raaiu n'est pas peinte. Elle se detache en cluir siir ua 
fond de couleur. Dos gens ont pose la main sur le rocber et avec de la couleur on 
a limite sa surface, marque ses contours. C'est le precede dit au patron. La main 
€ulevee son image reste visible en epargne sur le fond colore. 

II y a des mains isolees ; le plus souvent elles sent groupees, comrae par tas, 
irregulierement juxtaposees. Nous en comptons pres de quatre-vingt. Tantot elles 
sVtaleut sur de belles surfaces, tantot dans des recoins mysterieux, dans les rideaux 
capricieux des stalagmites. Nous avons deja constate pour d'autres signes, dans la 
caverne d'Altamira surtout, cette singuliere distribution. 

En general Timage de la main compreud le poignet. Les doigts sent ecartes. 
Mais quelqucfois le pouce et Tindex sent sen Is etendus, ou meme le pouce et le 
petit doigt. Les autres sent replies sous la paume de la main. Si on se laisse 
influencer par le volume de la tache coloree on dirait de grandes mains. Si Ton 
applique une main moyenne sur Timage en epargne, ou juge au contraire qu'elles 
8ont plutot petites. II faut cependant tenir compte que I'application de la couleur a 
pu reduire le trace. On note la predominance des mains gaucbes. 

Presque partout cette couleur est fixee a la rocbe par un vernis calcaire naturel. 
Sur quelques points de legers coulages de stalagmites la recouvrent, la voilent ou la 
cacbent. Nous avons done la des oeuvres fraucbement anciennes ; et, pour preciser 
cette antiquite, nous n'avous qu'^ noter leurs liens pasilifs aveo I'ensemble de uos 
peintures et gravures des cavernes. 

Nous avons dejil signale la main bumiine peinte en rouge sur le plafond 
d'Altamira, et a cote d'elle, la ou ailleurd, a Marsoulas et a Font-de-Gaumes, sont 
des mains stylisees, reduites a des signes lineaires. Ce mois dernier en revisant les 
nouvelles cavernes ornees de TEspagne que M. Alcalde del Rio a su decouvrir et 
fort bien signaler, M. Breuil a rencontre une quarantaiue de mains. La plupart 
etaient massees a I'entree de la caverne del Castillo. Ce sont aussi des mains 
gauibes qui dominent et elles sont quelquefois tres petites. 

Toutes ces images, decouvertes presque en meme temps dans deux cavernes 
pyreneennes, mais fort eloignee-^, fort separees, rentrent incontestablement dans le 
bloc si impressionnant de nos peintures paleolitbiques. Ainsi elles appartiennent a 
une tres longue periode. Nous sommes autorises ^ attribuer les mains de Gargas 
aux primitifs occupants dont le foyer mentionne fixe Tepoque, la baute antiquite. 
Or cett€ conclusion Concorde avec ce que nous savons sur IVige de nos gravures et 
peintures de la Dordogne, des Pyrenees franc; aises ou espagnoles. 

Des regions autrement lointaines apportent de leur cote leur contingent de faits 
comparatifs. Les mains jouent un role considerable dans les superstitions de 
nombreuses races. Laissons de cote les exemples qui abondent cbez des popula- 
tions assez civilisees ou barbares. Ceux qu'offre i'Australie nous toucbent tout 
particulierement. 

La, les voyageurs ont souvent observe des mains peintes sur les rocbers, sur 
les parois des cavernes. On a copie, on a public ces figures. II y a identite 
entre les mains australiennes et les mains de Gargas. (V^oir notamment la plancbe 
xxix du vol. 27, 1898, Journal of the Anthropological Institute) Identite dans 
Taspect individuel et dans le groupement, idenfite de technique. 

Or nous savons comment procedent ou procedaient les australiens. lis appli- 
quaient leur main sur la rochc mouillee et avec la boucbe ils souttiaient de la poudre 
rouge ou de la poudre blancbe, moins souvent de la couleur liquide. D'autres fois 
ils couvraient la main, ses contours, avec de la pate de couleur. La main enlevee, 
la pate snpprimee, le rocber gardait Timage dans un nuage de couleur et cette 
couleur se fixait ii merveille : elle dure depuis des siecles. Yoila des indications dont 
nous pouvons profiler a Gargas. 

[ " ] 



Nob. 4-6.] 






II eat probable qtie les 
(I'avaut le bel age du rennt 
atlardoH ilu tointniii continent 



i aiisai des reuse igncmcnts s 
Ic certains 
Aillcur:4 ' 



[1907. 

e rile (Ic ee3 mains. Ces images 

^3 cs^outielH, de comm4morer des 

procedcnt de croyauces sitper- 



jains de Gargas out joue le mcme rAle. Lea eiiropeens 

avaieiit dejtl la mentalite qui n'giie eiicore nhez les 

stral. E. CARTAILHAC. 



Egrypt. Seton-Karr. 

On a Maui from Upper Ecypt. Bi/ H. W. Seton-Ktirr. C 

Tlie plioiofjrapli illuatratcs a fine example of a certain type of maul found W 

in a tomb at Nagada, and now in tbe colleelion of Mr. R. de Rustafjaell. This 

implement ia interesting in several ways'. It is in an 

unusually good state of preservation. The type is to 

if not unique. It sliowe a special style of bafting. 
Other examples of mauls found in Egypt are bafted 
in a different manner. It may have been employed 
in the excavation of tombs. The whole series of 
heavy stone tomb-making implements I found at 
Thebes are in the museum at Cairo, and these may 
have been similarly hafted, though the form of the 
implement is different. It may be comparatively 
modern. 

Ill connection u-ith ibc euliject of alleged anti- 
quities purchased, by travellers in Egypt, in some of 
the dealers' shops, most of the objects are spurious ; 
why do the Egyptian Government allow this trade 
in antiquities, and particularly in spurious antiquities, 
to continue ? 

A maul from Alderloy Edge, Cheshire, is de- 
scribed in Journ. Anihr, Inst., Vol. V, p. 2. They 
have been found in ancient copper mines in Spain, Por- 
tugal, Wales, Austria, and by Mr. Bauemiau in iho 
Egyptian turquoise mines at Wady Magbara (Evans, 
Ancient Stone Implements, p. 234) ; and of later date 
in ancient copper mines ou Lake Superior. But I 
know of no implement precisely similar to this one. 

It is a inallor for regret that no description 

of, or dale for, the tomb, if the implement really 

an be obtained. It seems a pity that out of the surplus 

the desert cannot Iw kept. "h. \V. SETON-KARR. 




beloujrcd to the iulcrnicnt, 
revenue a lictlcr guard ov. 

Obituary. Vanderkindere. 

Leon Vanderkindere : born 1841 ; died November 8th, 1906. Q 

By the death of Professor Leon Vanderkindere Belgium and Europe have lost D 
one of their most distinguished anthropologists aiid historians. So long ago as 1879, 
and before the complete publication of Virchow's labours in tlic same field, he had 
carried out and pnblished llie colour-census of all the Belgian scdiool-childrcn, and 
dcnion:ttrutcd the existence and imjKirtuncc of [jerluips the most remarkable colour- 
frontier in Europe, that which divides llie Flemings and Brabani;oiis from the Walloons. 
lu later days ho turned away somewhat from the cultivation of physical anthropology 
C 6 ] 



1907.] MAN. [Nos. 6-7. 

towards that of archasologj : a valuable paper of his in that domain was a study 
of the respective shares of the Franks, Saxons, and Frisians in the Germanic coloni- 
sation of Belgium. Probably his greatest historical work was The Age of the 
Artaveldes, In 1875, with his distinguished brother-in-law M. Charles Buls, he 
attended the Bristol meeting of the British Association, and paid a visit to "Little 
England beyond Wales," in order to investigate the results there of Flemish 
colonisation : this last journey, however, was rather disappointing. Vanderkindere 
died at Uccle, of which place he was Burgomaster, on the 9th November, 1906, 
in the 65th year of his age. His widow is a sister of M. Buls, long known as 
Burgomaster of Brussels, and as a leader of the party of progress and enlightenment 
in Belgium ; and he leaves children and grandchildren to lament his death, in which 
those who had the privilege of knowing him will sincerely join with them. 

J. BEDDOE, 



Rhodesia. Eyles, 

Notes and Queries on Dr. Randaii-Maclver's " Mediaeval Rlio- ^ 
desia.** By Fred Eyles. f 

The following remarks are not intended to be either a review or a criticism. The 
writer has been many years in South Africa, where he has from the first taken a keen 
interest in native languages and traditions, of which he has some general knowledge. 
He has also seen some of the ruined buildings treated of in Mediceval Rhodesia^ and 
has on many occasions questioned the natives about them. 

Mr. Randall-Maclver's book appears to me clear and convincing from the purtly 
archeeological standpoint which he takes in treating his subject, but on the ethnographical 
side there are several difficulties which must be removed before his theory can be 
unreservedly accepted. Mr. Maclver has to some extent anticipated these, and has 
pointed out that it is for South African anthropologists and philologists to elucidate 
that aspect of the question which is chiefly in my mind as I write, and my object is to 
record some of the problems that a perusal of his book has suggested, with the hope 
that they may be solved. 

On page 37 we read : " That they were native Africans who built these ruins is 
^' abundantly evident.'' This is the conclusion at which the author arrives as the 
result of his careful and, relatively, exhaustive researches, a conclusion supported by 
many and convincing proofs. But here the first difficulty arises. Does the art of 
building with stone still survive amongst the Bantu peoples ? 

If so, among what tribes, and to what extent ? I am well aware that in some 
districts there may be found rough stone scanzes admittedly erected in recent years by 
local natives, but as these are practically nothing but heaps of stones, their relationship 
with the elaborate and carefully laid walls of the ancients cannot be assumed, for of 
the latter Mr. Maclver is able to write in the following terms : "It must be observed 
" that the entrance into a pit (Inyanga) from its corridor is a masterpiece of dry 
" building in stone" (page 11). 

In this connection I am very interested to notice in Vol. XXXV of the Journal^ 
pp. 368-9, in the article on the " Bawenda " of north-east Transvaal, by Rev. E. 
Gottschling, the following paragraph : " The Bawenda kraals in the mountains are, 
" moreover, often protected by walls of from 6 feet to 8 feet in height, by which they 
'* are surrounded and subdivided. The walls are from 4 to 6 feet thick at the base 
'^ and from 2 to 3 feet at the top. A double wall of raw undressed stones is built, 
" without mortar, but the space between the two sides of the wall is filled up with 
'' dry soil." 

As far as my knowledge extends, the art of stone building is to-day, amongst the 
Bantu peoples generally as a race, extinct and unknown as though it had never 

[ 7 ] 



No. 7.] MAN. [1907. 

existed. If the stone edifices of Rhodesia were built by ancestors of the present 
Bantiis, I would tentatively suggest the following explanation. There may have been 
at the date fixed by Maclver one tribe, and one only, acquainted with the art of 
making stone defences. That tribe must have been paramount, and would have secured 
and retained its dominance by virtue of its knowledge of fortress building. But, again, 
where is it to-day ? Was it so completely exterminated that its very memory and the 
memory of its stupendous works have been wiped out of the minds of the kindred 
tribes who must have shared the work of destruction ? The relatively modern date 
fixed by Maclver is in itself a difficulty, for it is hard to conceive how" an art so highly 
valuable to its possessors can have been absolutely lost in the comparatively short 
period of 300 or 400 years. May the remnants of this once ruling tribe be found 
to-day amongst the Bawenda, or elsewhere ? 

One cannot dispute the author's deduction on page 27 that " these walls have 
" been made exactly as the modern Kaffir makes them, viz., of a circle of stakes, 
" strengthened by wattle lashings inside and outside, against which thick clay is 
" plastered"; and again on page 19, "The people who lived in these ruins built 
" their houses and shelters exactly like the modern Kaffirs, although they surrounded 
" them with girdle walls and entrenchments unlike any which are made at the present 
" day " — referring in both instances to the impermanent abodes of which some 
fragments are found within the indestructible ancient walls. But are we not making 
the lesser include the greater if from this premise we argue that, therefore, the 
builders to-day of similar temporary huts are descendants of the architects of the 
great and extensive stone walls ? It may here be noted that huts generically, if not 
specifically, identical with those of the Bantu are general throughout Africa, while 
remains of stone buildings are limited to a few districts. 

On page 19 we read that certain circular platforms "are highfy suggestive of 
" hut foundations." And further on, that in these, beneath a section of earth, char- 
coal, &c., " is a paving of stone slabs . . . supported on pillars of rough stone." 
Does this mode of hut foundation exist to-day ? If so, where ? On page 21 occurs 
the sentence, "In L. stood seven narrow, upright stones, which probably once sup- 
" ported a slab for the grinding of meal." Why is this probable ? Do the natives 
Biill support their grinding slabs on upright stones? 

It is evident that the authors of the great ruins of Rhodesia were a gre- 
garious people who made cities for their occupation. We read that the Niekerk ruin 
" extends over more than fifty square miles, and there are few places within this 
" large area where it is possible to walk ten yards without stumbling on a wall, a 
" building or an artificial heap of stones." The Bantu to-day are an agricultural and 
a pastoral people who live in kraals that are periodically moved. These kraals are 
scattered, and usually contain only a few huts. Also it U contrary to the religion 
of the Kaffirs to remain more than a few years in one locality, a new site being 
always chosen after the death of the headman of a kraal ; and a chauge of site is 
dictated at even shorter periods by economic reasons connected with agriculture and 
sanitation. What, then, is the relationship between the semi-nomads, who continually 
shift their quarters on the smallest excuse, and the people who built for themselves 
strong and permanent cities in the past ? Are they the same people, and have they 
completely changed all their customs and mode of life in three or four centuries ? 
If so, is there any parallel in history of so sudden and perfect a transformation ? 

Another question. Do the Bantu traditions or folk-tales contain any reference 
whatever to stone edifices or their builders ? If so, amongst what tribes do such 
traditions exist ? If not, how is the omission to be explained except on the supposi- 
tion that neither the present aborigines nor their forbears had any connection with 
the buildings in question ? When Europeans first came in contact with the Bantus of 

[ 8 ] 



1907.] MAN. [No8. 7-8. 

South Africa these people were able to give their genealogies for periods extending 
back 150 to 200 years (i.e., of their chiefs). It is also au admitted principle that 
amongst people unacquainted with the art of writing, their history is carried down 
from generation to generation, with fairly approximate accuracy, by means of oral 
tradition. And there is no reason to assume that the relatively highly civilised Bantu 
was an exception to the rule. Therefore, on the supposition that the ancestors of 
these tribes, only three or four hundred years ago, were the possessors of a highly 
organised polity or civil constitution such as would enable them to build permanent 
fortresses and immense cities, how is it that their ancient folk-tales contain no 
references to this recent golden age ? 

Here, again, I will with diffidence suggest an explanation. As most Bantu 
traditions appear to refer to hero ancestors and their doings, with no references to 
modern times or hints of contact with Europeans, is it not possible that their tales 
-date their origin from a time older than that of the supposed great Bantu incursion 
from the North, and so com3 down from a period when Europeans and stone edifices 
were alike unknown to them. 

On page 48 the author says, " Can there be any reasonable doubt that the 
^* date of Dhlo-Dhlo is the date of this blue and white Nankin china, that is to 
^* say, mediroval or post-mediaeval?" This argument appears to be sound and 
unanswerable, but it is a curious thing that the writers of the sixteenth and seventeenth 
centuries agree to speak of the Rhodesian buildings as being " ancieut," "of unknown 
origin,'' also as being '* ruins" and ** fragments," for surely if built and occupied by 
natives of that or an adjacent period the structures would have been in fair preserva- 
tion and there would have been no doubt or mystery as to their origin and use. 

On page 28 we read, with reference to the Niekerk ruins, "They were 
^* inhabited by a people who must have been in perpetual apprehension of attack, 
" and therefore protected themselves behind one of the vastest series of entrenchment 
" lines to be found anywhere in the world." If the natives of South Africa are 
descended from these people, are we to suppose that only a few centuries ago the 
Bantus were gifted with a power of organisation, foresight, and industry entirely 
foreign to the Kaffir character, and a mode of defending themselves altogether alien 
to the genius of a race who, in time of danger, simply scatter and hide themselves 
in neighbouring bush and kopje ? Is not some direct evidence required before we 
can venture to think of the Bantus as designers and builders of works so stupendous 
as those described by the author. 

After a careful perusal of Medicpval Rhodesia I am not an objector, but an 
enquirer in difficulties. I have no po.'?ition to defend not being attached to one 
theory or another. Mr. Maclver's historical and archaeological data I accept as 
accurate, and my inclination is to accept also his general theory, for I agree that it 
would be most interesting if it can be shown that the present inhabitants of South 
Africa are descendants of the ancient builders, but I am puzzled by some of the 
problems I have endeavoured to state above, and shall be glad if they can be 
eatisfactorilv answered. FRED. EYLES. 



Switzerland . Arclieeology . 

The Proposed Exploration of the Station at La T^ne. 

Early in the coming spring the Historical Society of the Canton of O 
Neuchatel expects to begin a thorough and systematic exploration of the station at 
La Tene. The work may continue several years, as it will not be possible to conduct 
the examination during the season of high water. 

Not since 1883 has any important work been attempted on that S'te, but at that 
time much valuable material was discovered. 

[ 9 1 



Nos. 8-9.] MAN. [1907. 

It has been estimated that the cost of the exploration will be about 20,000 francs, 
which is to be given partly by the city of Neuchatel and the Historical Society, 
together with a special grant made by the Swiss Government. All objects discovered 
are to be deposited in the Musee Historique at Neuchatel. D. I. B., Jr. 



REVIEWS. 
Africa : Liberia. Jolinstoii. 

Liberia, By Sir Harry Johnston, G.C.M.G., K.C.B., D.Sc. With an Ap- Q 
pendix on the Flora of Liberia by Dr. Otto Stapf, F.L.S., Principal Assistant w 
Kew Herbarium. Two vols. London : Hutchinson & Co., Paternoster Row, 1906. 
28 plates. Appendices. Pp. xxviii, 1-520; xvi, 521-1183. 25 X 17 cm. Price 42^. 
Turning over the pages of these two fascinating volumes, the reviewer is again 
and again reminded of a voyage from Monrovia to Plymouth which he had the privilege 
of sharing with the author last January. Sir Harry Johnston had been called away 
from his constituency during the fight of the general election to visit Liberia on 
important business affairs, and was returning home greatly impressed with all that he 
had seen and heard in that country. He and the reviewer sat at the iable of the 
purser, Mr. James Fothergill, who has had many years' experience of " the Coast," 
and is one of the most genial and popular officials on board Messrs. Elder, Dempster, 
and Co.'s line of steamers. Sir Harry Johnston and Mr. Fothergill knew everybody 
or about everybody who had ever visited West Africa, and so, listening to their 
conversation and yarns, the reviewer found the long voyage far less monotonous than 
is usually the case. The author used to spend the greater part of the day in his 
cabin at work on the closing chapters of Liberia, but, after leaving the Canary Islands, 
the ship pitched so unceasingly until we were through " the bay " that writing became 
almost an impossibility, and then the reviewer had the good fortune to enjoy some 
interesting anthropological conversations with Sir Harry Johnston on deck. Several 
years' residence in inland districts of Southern Nigeria had given the reviewer sufficient 
elementary knowledge of anthropology to appreciate listening to the experiences and 
views of the much-travelled and learned author of such monumental works as The 
Uganda Protectorate and Liberia, and Sir Harry was good enough to explain his 
methods of collecting and arranging his material. 

Those of us " coasters " who have never personally visited Liberia nevertheless 
feel ourselves by no means strangers to that country, for have not we all lain at 
anchor off Monrovia, Grand Basa, Cape Palmas, and other ports, tossing sixpences to 
be dived for by naked urchins clamouring for " munee, munee [money, money]," while 
the sweet-tempered "skipper" has been shouting through the megaphone for the 
much-needed crew of Kru " boys " whom, however, a German steamer has already 
engaged ? — have not we all at some time or another been more or less faithfully served 
by one of these same Kru boys, exiled with us for a year from their dearly-loved 
** wee country " ? These boys readily adapt themselves to our language and to our ways 
and wants, but how little we ever get to know about them and their people, homes, 
and customs ? Therefore, of all the readers of this important work, we Britishers — 
merchants, miners, missionaries, Government officials — who work on the coast, or in 
the hinterland, from Bathurst to Calabar, should especially welcome its appearance and 
take the most interest in the stores of information which it contains relative to the past 
history, present condition, and future prospects of Liberia, the home of the Kruman» 
In the short space allotted to this review it is impossible to do more than discuss 
briefly those chapters treating of Anthropology. Chapters I-XVII of the first 
volume treat of the history of Liberia from the most ancient times until the present 
day. Then follow four chapters on commerce, geography, climate and rainfall, geologv, 

[ 10 ] 



1907.] MAN. [No. 9. 

and minerals. The second volume begins with Chapter XXII, devoted to flora, to 
which is appended Dr. Otto Stapfs extremely interesting and vahiable List of the 
Known Plants of Liberia (pages 570-668). Chapters XXIII-XXVI treat of the 
fauna — mammals, birds, reptiles, amphibians, and fish ; invertebrates — and to each i& 
appended a tabular list, that of birds being compiled by Mr. Charles Chubb of the 
British Museum. Then follow three chapters on Anthropology — historical, physical, 
social — and one on folklore. The last two chapters are devoted to languages and 
vocabularies. The index is excellent. 

Liberia is written in such a style that it should form interesting reading to those 
who have no particular interest in West Africa, and to those who have made no- 
special study of anthropology, of philology, of flora, or of fauna. Readers of The 
Uganda Protectorate — the most read and most reviewed book of its day — need not 
to be told that Sir Harry Johnston's style is far from " dry." He is very erudite, 
and he gives us an immense amount of information, but he drapes his facts so delight- 
fully that he manages to conceal from view those hard angular rocks of dullness 
upon which so many learned writers make shipwreck. 

The three chapters devoted to anthropology do not include any new information 
of more than ordinary interest, but they contain a mass of miscellaneous anthropological 
jottings which will be of considerable use to those scientists who deduce theories 
from an extensive study of the customs of semi-civilised peoples. Sir Harry Johnston 
has somewhere admitted that, as far as anthropology is concerned, he does not profess 
to be more than one of those foragers on the outksirts of the Empire who collect 
provender to feed the hobby-horse (elephant, according to Sir Walter Scott) of the 
learned expert who, sitting in a comfortably-padded armchair in his peaceful study,, 
receives the said provender and sifts the tares from the wheat. The eventual outcome 
of this sifting process is the publication of a volume in which the foragers have the 
honour of receiving grateful mention in a foot-note or perhaps in the preface. The 
author of Liberia^ however, fortunately combines in his own person the first-hand 
experiences of the forager and the discriminating skill of the learned stay-at-home 
sifter, and therefore we have in these three chapters a valuable contribution to 
anthropology. 

The author estimates that Liberia contains 12,000 Americo-Liberians and about 
2,000,000 indigenous negroes. Of the interior parts but very litile is known. As 
regards natural products, it is said to surpass all other West African countries* 
As for social conditions, extremes meet in Liberia in a superlative degree, for, while 
the natives of the hinterland are cannibals, the 12,000 negroes of the coast are appa- 
rently so much up to date that in some ways they might, one ventures to think, 
" give points " to our own " smart set " at home. 

Cannibalism, the author suggests, may have arisen through a craving for salt» 
" Those people," he says (II, 899), " who stayed in the forest from choice or necessity 
" were forced to keep up some kind of commerce with the people on the sea coast, 
" or the people to the north on the open plateau, in order to get supplies of 
" salt. Whether or not cannibalism arose from this longing for salt and the 
" satisfaction which was derived from the salt-tasting blood of man, is an undecided 
" point." 

The author is of opinion that, putting aside the bushmen and Hottentot group?,. 
" the remaining mass of black negroes must be divided into two principal physical 
types, the short-legged and the long-legged " (II, 932). 

Like all negroes living near abundance of water the people are cleanly in person, 
but the local point of view regarding head parasites is eminently peculiar, for '* every 
few weeks a woman friend examines the heads of her friends and removes and eats 
the lice, which are esteemed a delicacv" (V^ol. II, p. 954). 

'[ 11 ] 



No. 9.: 



MAN. 



[1307. 



" Tiic li'iii'^es lit ttie L<1>cri»n natives mnj pirrhnps be diriiled into two ivpe^, 
wliicli ... UTP fomid widely iliatributed tlirougLuut negro Africa, ofieu side 
" bv «i()f, nml iiOMielimes minfjling their cbancleTlHics. Tboy are the ronud ami the 
*' rcctaugulnr or ohlong" (11, 1004). Accnrding to tlie reriewer's experiences in 
rnrions part* of soullieni Nigeria these Iwo trpea of liouaea nre ueTer fount! side by 
side Rioept ill those rillagos wbcre the popiilntion is coamoprtliwn, owing lo nveriue 
pnsilioTi or lo being tmcle eeutrus. The difference iu the shape of the but is indeed 
60 marltetlly charaoieriMlio of dilTereut tribes that one can tell to what triltc a village 
belongs hy uitticrng tlie shape of the huts. In the upper part^ oF the Cross River 
circiiliir hills are fonnd only in Ikwe village?. Tlio only uon-Ikwe village in "the 
Ibwebniik" is Eferekpi. When the reviewer first vjsiiod ii he look the people for 
Ikwe. 1)111 lhi>y daiil, "We are Eahiipntn, not Ikwe; l.iok at our huts they are 
iiril roiinil." '.-Vfiaid, in ihe 503 villages of the ll,ihi.. IriI.e, Ikot-Ekpeiie districi, 




tliore in only onu eiruulur "elub house," and that was built by a "stranger," an Ibo 
from ilio other side of the creek (the tribal boundary). 

" Pitllnry in made by all the trilics," auJ " the pollers in aimosl all cases are 
women" {11. lOOS-lOOt)) : "weaving is done entirely by men " (11, 1022). These 
two oaoupations aro ooiilinod lo ibe same sexoa in sontbern Nigeria, but why ? The 
rovicwor recollects asking an Ibibio woman why her sex never wove elnth. 8be 
lailghoit and lookoJ as aurprieed and startled as it the had been asked why she did 
tint Hy like a bird. 

The well-known game of " tnancala," eo widely dislributed throughout Africa, 
i* cnllt'd p6 in Liberia (II, 1011), Bark-cloth is still in one in eeiitral Liberia and 
uinojig coriain Krn-:<pi;aking people (p. lOlo), Atuong the elder genoration of the 
[ 1^ ] 



1907.] MAN. [No. 9. 

Efik tribe at Calabar there are some who remember hearing that their aucestors used 
to wear bark-cloth. The^e Efik traee their ancestry from the Ibibio who live on 
the other side (right bank) of the Cross River, but throughout the whole Ibibio 
country bark-cloth is now quite unknown. Many of the Ibibio, however, still wear 
cloth woven from the fibro oF Raphin vinifera. The Liberian spindle is similar tO" 
that of the ancient Esjyptians (p. 1022). 

Sir Harry Johnston likens the institution of initintion-schools to confirmation 
services in branches of the Christian church, to the Catholic sodalities, to boys' and 
girls' clubs, and so on (p. 1030). He also suggests that the origin of the "devil*' 
of the West African dance or play may perhaps have been " the superstitious dread 
which the negro of forested Africa feels for the gorilh or even the chimpanzee" 
(p. 1030). As regards " clubs," he says (p. 1036) : " I have no hesitation myself 
" (after long experience of these institutions in many parts of Africa) in saying that 
" they are merely instrumental in keeping the negroes who still practise them in » 
" state of savagery." The reviewer ventures to differ somewhat from this opinion,, 
for his belief is that these clubs, though undoubtedly engines of vice and oppression,, 
have been a powerful factor in helping the " primitive " savage onward to semi- 
civilisation. 

"Widows," says the author (p. 1044), "are the licensed women of pleasure, and 
" public opinion permits them to difspense their favours in return for an emolument." 
The Ibibio of southern Nigeria have a word which is synonymous for widow and 
harlot. At p. 1051 and in a footnote at p. 1048 the author discusses the long period 
of lactation observed by the Liberians. " In no tribe," he say.s, " (except, of course, 
" among the Christians on the coast) is it permissible to resume sexual intercourse 
" with the wife until after the child has been weaned. This long period of separa- 
" tion between husband and wife is at least eighteen months in duration." Dr. Blyden, 
the learned West Indian who has made a special study of negro questions, maintains 
that this custom produces "a stronger and healthier race." The same opinion holds 
among the Efik of Calabar, whose rub is that, after delivery the woman should 
have no connection with her husband for two or three years. Their reasons are r 
(1) that the child, thus receiving its mother's full attention, will grow quickly and 
strong, and (2) that there may be such intervals between the ages of the woman's 
children that the elder may be old enough to be left in charge of the younger. The 
Efik scorn a woman who transgresses this rule. The reviewer agrees with Dr. Blyden 
that the principal reason why Christianity advances so slowly in West Africa is 
because missionaries refuse to recognise polygamy as natural and lawful for negroes. 

Sir Harry Johnston aptly defines the essence of true negro religion as "ancestor 
*' worship, a belief in the ghosts of the departed" (p. 1062). 

Of totemism he soys: "There is no decided clear totemism now remaining 
in the Liberian peoples, though in one district and another there are animals that 
men or women may not eat. In this list are fowls and goats. 'J'his is unusual,, 
for at any rate, among totemistic tribes in Southern Nigeria, all domestic animals 
are rigidly excluded from tabu. He adds that " children, too, at birth are often 
" dedicated to some animal or vegetable, and may not eat or destroy the same 
" during their lives" (p. 1090). Then follows Binger's list of animals and plants, 
regarded as totems by the Mande peoples, and this includes the dog, another domestic 
animal. 

The following sentence at pp. 1054-55 is worthy of special notice : " If one 
could combine a scrupulous respect for law and order and an administration of lav/ 
" (without the engine of ferocious customs connected with the use of * devils,' secret 
'* societies, or witchcraft ordeals) with a minimum of interference on the part of 
'* European civilisation, a minimum introduction of European clothing, theology,. 

[ 13 ] 



(( 



Nos. 9-10.] MAN. [1907. 

*^ hypocrisy, and daily labour, these people might arrive at the leadiug of a life of 
**• great material happiness." 

The numerous illustrations are all very good indeed, and are extremely well 
reproduced. One grave fault must be found with these two volumes, they are very 
heavy, their united weight being 11 lbs. ! Surely the publishers, Messrs. Hutchinson 
and Co., might have evaded this. The cover, too, is ugly ; the armorial shield of 
Liberia, though appropriate, is vastly inferior to the handsome native who adorns the 
covers of T/te Uganda Protectorate, C. P. 



Pottery. Walters. 

Histort/ of Ancient Pottery — Greeh^ Etruscan^ and Roman. By H. B. Walters, 411 
M.A., F.S.A., based on the work of Samuel Birch. London : Murray, 1905. lU 
2 vols. Pp. XXX vi + 504 ; xiv + 588. 24 x 15 cm. Price 63*. 

The standard work of reference on " Greek Vases " had alwavs been the well- 
known book of the late Dr. Samuel Birch, in spite of the march of knowledge having 
rendered it of late years somewhat obsolete, until about ten years ago, when it became 
impossible for the layman to use it any longer with safety. Its place has now been 
taken by Mr. H. B. Walters' book, which is based upon it. That much may be said : 
but Mr. Walters' work is practically a new book ; little of the original work remains 
but the chapters describing the processes of pottery-making. The rest has entirely 
been rewritten by Mr. Walters. It has been necessary to enlarge certain parts of 
the book to a length of which the original author would hardly have contemplated the 
possibility, so much that is new has the study of Greek archaeology told us during 
the last twenty years. This has necessitated pruning in other parts. We may 
regret the disappearance of Dr. Birch's chapter on Egyptian pottery, but Mr. Walters 
has no doubt done right in excising it. Our knowledge of Egyptian pottery and its 
development has increased so much of late years, owing to the systematic publication 
and study of the results of excavation, that to treat this subject properly would have 
taken up more space than Mr. Walters was prepared to give to it. His attention is 
chiefly focussed on the Greek vase-making of classical times, and he was no doubt 
well-advised to confine himself to the subject of Greek and Italian pottery, thus making 
his book much more of a unitv than otherwise would have been the case. Yet we 
may say one valedictory word to this important part of Birch's book, which now 
disappears from the History of Ancient Pottery. We have of late years got too 
much into the habit of thinking that nothing at all was known of the stuff of Egyptian 
iircha?ology — that the Egyptologists thought of nothing but the written word alone — 
till the steady archaeological work of our time began in the 'eighties. This, however, 
is not the fact, as a reference to Birch's chapter of 1874 on Egyptian pottery will 
show. Birch knew nearly as much of the general scheme of dating of Egyptian 
pottery as we do now. Modern work has filled up the gaps, has filled out our 
knowledge, and has added a new chapter to it in the shape of the pottery of the 
earliest dynasties. But Birch knew what was of the XVIII or XIX dynasty, what 
Avas Saite, and what was Roman, almost as well as we do. Little has been added 
to what he knew of the pottery of the XVIII and XIX dynasties. Nor need 
this be wondered at, since the pottery most represented in his time in the museums 
was Tlieban j)ottery of the New Empire period, and this he had studied as carefully 
and scientifically as any of us can do now. Vixerunt fortes ante Agamemno?ia^ and 
Birch was a great archaeologist as well as Egyptologist. 

Mr. Walters' book is then confined to the ancient pottery of Greece and Italy. 
Naturally the greater part of the book is taken up with the description of the Athenian 
vases of the great period, and to these it is a complete guide. Altogether, with regard 
to the Greek pottery of the historical age we seem to have in his work everything 

[ 14 ] 



1907.] MAN] [No. 10. 

that is known pnt before us, marshalled and in order. As a work of reference it is 
most valuable, and as a description very readable and interesting. Bn( the shape 
and weight of the volumes debar them from after-dinner easy-chair perusal ; they 
can only be read at the desk. 

Does not Mr. Walters concentrate his attention perhaps rather too much on the 
most important part of his book ? We do not mean that he has written too fully 
about the Greek Aases of the grand style ; he has treated them thoroughly, exhaus- 
tively, but not more so than their importance in the history of art warrants. But 
we do think, and we fancy this opinion Avill be shared by other archaeologists, that 
his interest in what the layman used to call " Etruscan urns," and now knows as 
^' Greek vases," has caused him to mete out a rather stepfatherly treatment to that 
other world of Greek pottery Avhich has become known to us since Birch's day ; the 
world of prehistoric Greek ceramic art, which excavation has revealed to us at 
Mycense and lalysos, in Melos, and in Crete. Admirably does Mr. Walters describe 
"*' Mycenaean " and " Minoan " pottery in the small space (only forty pages out of a 
thousand) which he devotes to them, and Avhat he says is thoroughly up to date, but 
— forty pages out of a thousand ! It is not enough. No doubt Mr. Walters wishes 
to wait until we know more — until Dr. Arthur Evans publishes Kuossos in full, for 
instance — before he says more on the subject. At present the " debateableuess " of 
matters Minoan and Mycenajau has evidently decided him to make this chapter as 
brief as possible. Also he has evidently not considered himself justified yet in 
expressing any very decided opinions of his own about the early pottery ; he tells us 
what is known without much comment. We regret this, as we expected some 
illuminating discussions and criticisms of the new discoveries from him. But perhaps 
ho is right ; the discoverers have themselves not yet had their say. When Mr. Walters 
went to press, Dr. Mackenzie had only published a part of his treatise on the pottery 
of Kuossos in the Journal of Hellenic Studies, Another part has only just appeared. 
Nevertheless, Mr. Walters might, at any rate, have given us more illustrations of 
the early pottery, especially that of Crete. The "Minoan" pottery of Kuossos is 
hardly illustrated at all, and of the wonderful polychrome " Kamaraes " ware only one 
picture is given. However, in the next edition, Mr. Walters will no doubt be pre- 
pared to expand this chapter to four or five times its present size (even if he has to 
cut down some of his description of the later pottery in order to do it), and will 
give us a complete series of illustrations of the ceramic art of the great prehistoric 
civilization of Greece.* 

We Avish Mr. Walters would not call this art " primitive." The black pottery of 
Troy, the polished ware of Vasiliki in Crete, the ruder vases from Cyprus, may be 
called primitive fabrics, but, surely, not the pottery of Kuossos or lalysos ; and we are 
surprised that Mr. Walters has included Minoan and Mycenajau ceramics under this 
term. What is prehistoric is not necessarily primitive. But the use of such a term 
for the chapter dealing with the ceramic art of the, if anything, over-civiliaed 
Minoans is in this case a mere chance. Dr. Waldstein may think that Minoan art 
must have been primitive because it was a thousand years older than the barbarous 
art of the Greek Middle Age, the period which we used to call " Archaic," and 
considered to have been the beginning of all things in Greece. But Ave are sure 
Mr. Walters does not. He has merely treated the developed ceramics of Kuossos 
And Mycente in the same chapter as the really primitive fabrics from which they 
sprang, and has unluckily named the whole chapter after these last. 

But this kind of thing will be rectified when Mr. Walters, in a second edition, 
devotes to the early pottery the full space which then he will, no doubt, consider it 

* In a second edition Mr. Walters will also probably advance the Museum of Candia to the 
dignity of clarendon type in his note of existing collections of vases (vol. i, p. 27 ff). 

[ 15 ] 



ITof, 10 12.] MAN. [1907. 

Ut 4U*pt'r%(% M^ifiwIilU', iUf. wUoUi U^ik in ouc on wbi^rb the anibor may be eon- 
igrtiUiUiUu\» It rniJMt havi; cfiW^'A birn mii'^b time ami trouble to prepare, even tboagb 
tbe work wiim <lotir; ro/i amore. Tbc refereucen alone are indicative of much labour : 
tbi<y tut*, fiiniimr;nit>le. H. H. 

Ireland : Llngrulstics. Quiggin. 

A Pinlrrl of Ponfffal. By E. C. Qaiggin. Cambridge, 1906. Pp. x -f 247. || 

III thiM VMnny Mr. Qui|rgin buM made a careful and detailed examination of tbe 
diitl<^rt of Ofiolif! Hpoketi in a Donegal valley, Meenawannin, where he lived for two 
or tlintn yoarM wliilo colU;cting liiM materials and acquiring a practical knowledge of 
tho Hfioktjri tcMigut!. The rcHult i« a ncientific work on Gaelic phonology which does 
for 11 diiilcot of Nortlicrti JriMh what Finck has done for that of Arran. The greater 
part of lh(3 tmok Im concerned with phonetics pure and simple, every sound being treated 
in (Ictiiil, and fifty pnges are occupied with texts, proverbs, and tales, taken down 
from tiin narnilion of John llcgarty, whom Mr. Quiggin found to be the best speaker 
of the nnrorrn|)((!(l Iiingungc, for, unfortunately, phonetic and linguistic corruption is 
\{^vy widely spread. It Im to be regretted that these texts, being as they are in an 
nnfaniiliar and little known dialect, arc not accompanied by an English translation 
wbleh would render tlioni a(u;(!Hhiblo to students of folklore who are not Gaelic scholars. 
Even personH aeeustonied to read Gaelic would find great difficulty in reading stories 
111 tliU remote diiil(*ct. 

For pliilologicMil purposes tho isolation of the district gives the dialect a greater 
value ami has preserved it from being affected to any appreciable extent by tho 
literary liingnago or operations of the (xaelic league. 

The plionetl<^ part of (he volume is of the greatest importance and will no doubt 
be fully treiited in philological journals. One of the most interesting sections is 
(hat ri'lnting to Sandlii, which has never been so fully dealt with previously. The 
rules of Sandlii bear a strong resemblance to those found in Sanskrit and the Prakrits, 
espceiiilly iis regards th(> assimilation of non-palatals to palatals. 

The boek is one t)f the most important contributions lo Celtic philology that has 
iippeareil of late years. M. LONGWQRTH DAME8. 

CONGRESS. 
Anthropology . Congress. 

Proposed International Oon^ross of Anthropological Societies &t 10 
Ooloffne in Au^uet, 1907. IIb 

The thirty-eighth general meeting of the (lernian Anthropological Society will be 

\\Ak\ in (\dogni» in August, UK)?. It is proposed that this meeting should 1k> con- 

fttituted WW lntt»r\u»tional Congress, and llu» Cologne Anthn>fKdogieal Society have issued 

a eoi>li»l iuNitation to KelU»\vs of the Anthropological Institute and others interested 

in unthn^pology and aivlueoU>gy to attend the Congress. It is further pn>|K>sed to 

nrrango a tour of two or three weeks in the Low Countries and France to take place 

ttfter the Congn*^>. Unring this tour places of the greatest interest fnmi an anthro[K>- 

b^gieal jHMnl of \ iew will be Nisittnl. In ease a sei'tion of the visitors would prefer to 

make a tour in iienuany the authorities aiv kind enough to state that they will consider 

tbe |Hvj*>ibilily of earr\ ing out any pr\>|H>sition they may n^eeive. A ci>mplete pro- 

gt^mme will U* publi>luHl \ory shortly. Meanwhile, FelU>ws of tho Institute and other 

students of an^b^^nHd\*gv and an^handoirv who would like to attend this Consrress 

ai^^ lAH^ueslinl to evnumunioate with the seeivtary of the Anihr\^|H^logieal Institute^ 

;i, lUuv^wr Sipiaiv, \\\ 

r»lNV>;o H\ K\K« v<ii SlvvTl?i\UHn>K. Ui> MHit^tv's rdnicrss K;»st Harxlin- Stnvt. E.i\ 



1907.] MAN. [Xo. 13. 

ORiaiNAL ARTICLES. 
America, North. With Plate B. Buslmell. 

Primitive Salt-Making: In the Mississippi Valley. By David I. 4 II 
Bushnell, Junr, lU 

Although such a short time has elapsed since the greater part of North America 
was claimed and occupied by the native tribes, nevertheless we possess rather scant 
knowledge of their arts and customs as practised a century or more ago. This is 
especially true in regard to the tribes west of the Alleghany Mountains, and so it is 
with a degree of satisfaction that we are able to trace back to prehistoric times the 
art of making salt as followed by the tribes in the Mississippi Valley. 

Springs of salt water occur in various parts of the Mississippi Valley, but are 
more numerous in the central part, along the Ohio and as far north as the Missouri 
and Illinois rivers. Many of these springs are quite large and their waters were often 
utilised by the early settlers ; but even before the coming of the Europeans the localities 
had been frequented by the Indians, by whom the water was evaporated and a supply 
of salt obtained. 

During the autumn of 1902 the writer, while conducting an exploration for the 
University of California and the Peabody Museum of Harvard, discovered a very 
interesting and extensive site where salt had been made, which had remained undis- 
turbed since it was last used by the Indians. The large earthen pans in which the 
water from the neighbouring spring had been evaporated were found in a good state 
of preservation. 

The site is located about thirty miles below the mouth of the Missom-i and one 
and a half miles west of the Mississippi, near the small village of Kimmswick in 
Jefferson county, Missouri. The entire site covers between one and two acres, is 
level, and is elevated about twenty feet above a small creek which flows to the 
Mississippi. Less than fifty yards from the foot of the elevated area, in marshy ground, 
and only a few inches above the creek, is a small spring of salt water, which, however, 
was evidently of sufficient importance to attract many Indians. 

Several excavations were made on the elevated ground, but only the largest and 
most important, a plan of which is shown in Fig. 1, can be described in this brief 
article. 

At an average depth of some thirty inches l>elow the present surface an. undisturbed 
surface of clay was encountered, this was the surface at the time the site was occupied 
and, as will be shown later, the superstratum was formed during and subsequent to 
that time. 

In the main excavation more than 8,000 square feet of the original clay surface 
were exposed to view. On this siuface were discovered four large earthen pans placed 
as they had been when last used, fragments of four similar pans, probably broken while 
in use, and twenty-eight fire-beds. 

The four entire pans extended in a line from north-west to south-east, the distance 
from I to II being 19 feet 6 inches, from II to III 17 feet, and from III to IV 
17 feet. A drawing of a section through III and IV, showing the superstratum, is 
given in Fig. 2. The pan designated as II is 2b\ inches in diameter, 9 inches deep, 
and less than three-quarters of an inch thick. It Avas set in the clay, allowing the rim 
to extend less than two inches above the surface. To make this pan more substantial 
large fragments of a similar vessel had been placed under the bottom and around it at 
a distance var}'ing from a half to one and a half inches, the intervening space having 
been filled with blue clay from the bed of the creek. 

The next example. III, is the smallest of the four. The dimensions are : diameter 
2 1 inches, depth 7 J inches. It was set in the clay, the rim extending about two inches 

[ 17 ] 



No. 13.] 



MAN. 



a907. 



above the surface. Fragments of pottery and a mass of blue clay surrounded it, 
similar to Number II. A photograph of this vessel before it was removed from thc^ 
clay is reproduced, Plate B. The fragments of pottery surrounding the pan are 
visible. The largest pan discovered (I) was not set in the yellow clay as were 
all the others ; but rested upon a mass of ashes and earth a few inches above the 



♦ 



® 



V.y 



k 



© 



o 




® 



© n 



Q 



^"^ 

^ 



W O 



SALT PANS ENTIRE • • 

BROKEN 

^\Rl BEOS ^ 

10 PfET 



o 



G 



Fig. 1. — PLAN OF THE MAIN EXCAVATION, KIMMSWICK SITE, 1902. 

clay surface — probably it liiid never been used. The dimensions of this large vessel 
are : diameter 31 inches, depth 12 inches. This, although of the greatest capacity, is 
the thinnest of the four ; in many places it is not more than half-an-inch in thickness. 
Pau IV was set into the clay with its rim extending two inches above the surface. 
Dimensions : diameter 24 inches, depth 9 inches. Although neither blue clay nor 
sherds surrounded this vessel it was found to be in an excellent state of preservation. 
A photograph of this pau as it was discovered is shown in Plate B. All were made 

[ i« ] 



1907.] 



MAN. 



[No. 13. 



itt ilin,u> hImcIi I liii.'e <|iiMiiiiit ■>! jmiIm ii~^UIidl uus ailik.l IIk. Miifitti-* I iili 
iii-iUo Hlid oulsulu an -iiin-nili iiii.l vtiiliuul ilLuoralloii of niw sorl 

Thp hre Uds twi iiU-pi(i;!it m immlicr, oreraged more llinii 2 foot iii iliameter. 
Hiiil beuealli maiij llie licut bail nMldeiitxl thi' cln^v to u dpplli of troni G to 9 inches 
wlule, of course, the xurfiiceH liod Ueoonio (jiiiit liard lu [iiili II » pioce nf etono 
nl.imt 8 iiiLtioa in diameter wxs fitiiiid wliit-li sli n i il ili i ..I tir« , siiiiilur atoni.'- 



) wc Diay L'liiif^lude tiiut the «itoiivs were huuteil and plaeed I 



The 



lia viiig liet!ii 
henlFt). And 
itainiiig 



1 evaporalf, leaving llio salt 



■ w»t«r from tlie spring, the water i 
Itniiom of the vcsdcil. 

Tbv siiporstratnni, rcHliug iijiuii the natural clav stirfave, ia formed of wikkI ashos, 
cliHrrod wood, vast qiiaiitiiieH of hrokcti jMillery Tessele or pans, many Imues uf 
nniiiials, birds and finli, antlers of deer and elk, and broken iiiiplwiientM and ornament:^ 
of Mtoiie, lioiie, shell and pottery, all intermixed with vegetable mould. 

ThiK was apparently ciimp reftise which had acoumiilat(<d during n long period 
of time. During the time the site 
wan oeeupied, or rather Frequented, hy 
ilio iialire tribo», Hahcis and refiiao 
must necetmorily have aticnmululcd in 
lieapH at different points near the fire- 
hedjt. AfttT the site was no longer 
visited the aetion uf the raina and 
winds would hav^ had u tendency tu 
level the sitrfaee. Later a growth of 
limber eovoro*! Il, aud so it remained 

until some thirty years ago, when it was and J4B. <i) 

cleared and ploughed for the lirrit time. 

It will not lie possible to doHorJhe in so :>hurt an urtielc all 
the material diwovered in the masN of refuse and vegetable 
mould whicli was found to eover tlte original clay eurfiuje. Only 
the more interesting piecos can bo mentioned. 

As would be expected, \ery fuw porfoci npecimeus of any 




Pied. 
Among the objects of earthenware i 



eylindriettl form. One is shown 
lire : lieigbt, 13 Inoho^ : 
tapering to the lower or closed 
tigiirc. This ii^ 5J inebes in d 
)uuted by a knob 



3 several jars of a 




[i Fig. 3, B. The dimensions 

if opening, 4j iDchex, " 

Another nmisual type is «liown (A) in the aame 

and 6^ inches in height. Being of a conical 

r handle muke« it appear to have lieen n»od as a lid or 

These are lielicved to be forms heretofore unknown in the Mississippi Valley. 

Many fragments of earthern ve»isels of different shapes and sixes were found in all 

parts of the excavation, Some were jiortions of large jars which would have held from 

three to four gallons. Also many fmgmenta of shallow plates — similar to the modern 

[ 10 ] 



mri.(,i .might lino, 
I foiiiiU mea^iireil H i 



Ho. 13.] MAN. 0907. 

soup plate — the fl»l, flariug rim bein^ decoratetl w 
were coloured red, others liUuk. Tlie largest i^peoi 

In ndilitiun to the ves^eld were many smaller objects of pottery, iiiciuiliug muiiy 
disfiB from 2 to 4 inchea in diameter (one, being perforated, had probably 
served ae a spindle whorl), and small pestle-shaped objeclH, which wero 
probably used in Minoothing the surface of pottery vessels.* Some tsmiiil 
bowla less than 2 iuuhes in diameter, a email gourd-shaped rattle, nnil u 
figure of au owl, all made of pottery, were probably toys. 

The implements of stoiie were similftr to thoso found throughout iln: 
adjacent i-ountry, on both sides of the Mississippi. It is rather diffieiilr in 
aceoniit fur the large number of broken celts, usiiuUy a half or a t.hij->l 
of an implement, which were found in all parts of the excavutiou. 
Many were pieces of large specimens probably from 6 to 8 inche.s 
iu length. No grooved atouo ase» were found, although two escellenr 
examples made of hiematite were discovered near pan HI. Among the 
pestles or grinders was oue of unusual interest ; adhering to the flat mirfai.'e 
were many small pieces of shell, showing it to have been used to pulverise 
the shell which was mixed with the clay when mnking pottery. 

The finding of pumice may be accounted for, as it often occurs on the 
sand-bars in the Mistiissippi, having l>een brought down firom the Roekv 
Mountains by the current of the Missouri. 

Bone needlcH and awk were quite numerous, but the lance-hcad shown 
in Fig. 4 is by far the most interesting of all the Ijone objects discovereil. 
It is 53 ins. in length and only i inch in thickness. ^"- ■—'"'-■'« 

( were found. The thick section of the ' fl^ 
i often utilised, as many such pieces, from 4 to 
) found, Ihc ends of all being rounded and Kmoothed from uoe. 
•iisidered as '■ Bakers" used in working stone, but had they 
l»een so employed the ends would not have lieen smoothed bai roughened, consequently 
they appew to have been utilized for an entirely different purpose. 

The following fresh- water 
shells, all of which occur in 
the streams of Jefferson county, 
were found in quantities : — 
Quadrula tmdulata (Barnes), 
Quaiirula paHula/a (Lea), 
LnmpsitU In/enlm (Lamarck), 
and the Lnmpsilix reclut (La- 
marck). In mlditiou to these, 
two marine shells from the 
(intf of Mexico : Slrombiu 
nliug (Ginel) and Sycotyput 
perversm (Linn.). The finding 
of these marine shells is of 
special interest when we con- 
sider the distance from the 
Gulf, some 600 mileK in a 
of the Mississippi, 
a specimen of the (iuaihtda 
altncb it to a wofnlen handle. 



A great many deer 1 
.ler near the skull ^ 
nehea in leugth, we 
eae have often been v 




direct line and more than twice as far by the cours 

Two worked shells are shown in Fig, 5 ; .4 i 

uiulutata perforated, undoubtedly to make it possible 



• W. 11. Holrot-B, Tiwj 



■ieth AnH.Jitji. Jim 
I 20 ] 



1907.] MAN. [Nos. 13-14. 

Similar pieces have been found in the adjacent parts of the valley. -0 is a more 
finished object. The entire outer surface of the shell had been smoothed and polished 
and the edges shaped. This and a similar specimen were found in the bottom of a 
broken salt pan in a small excavation near the south-west corner of the site ; others, 
however, were discovered in the main excavation. Probably they served as spoons 
and may have been attached to bandies. 

Bones of the bear, deer, fox, turkey, and of a large fish, antlers of the deer and elk 
and teeth of the beaver Avere found in all parts of the excavation. This appears to 
strengthen the theory that the mass, now forming the upper stratum, was originally 
heaps of refuse which had accumulated during the days the site was visited by the 
natives for the purpose of making salt. 

Many references could be quoted from the histories and other writings relating 
to the Mississippi valley, but certainly the most interesting of all appears in Du 
Pratz's work,* Avhich reads : — "After we have gone up the Black River about thirty 
" leagues, we find to the left a brook of salt water, which comes from the West. 
" . . . . The Indians come a great way off to this place, to hunt in winter, and 
" make salt. Before the French trucked coppers with them, they made upon the spot 
" pots of earth for this operation : And they returned home, loaded with salt and dry 
" provisions." This place Avas not far from the northern boundary of the present 
state of Louisiana. 

It is evident from this statement by Du Pratz that the Indians ceased making 
earthenware pans as soon as they were able to obtain metal vessels from the 
European colonists. The Kimmswick site was probably similar to the one on Black 
River, not a permanent village, but merely a locality visited from time to time by 
different bands for the purpose of hunting and replenishing their supply of salt. The 
site is evidently quite old as no objects of European workmanship were found in 
eitlier the superstratum or the stone-lined graves, many of which were discovered 
near by. These are to be described in a separate article. 

And so it would appear the place had been abandoned before the arrival of the 
French in Upper Louisiana. D. I. BUSHNELL, Junr. 



England : Aroheeologry. Lewis. 

The Flint Supplies of the Ancient Cornish. {See Man, 1906, 97.) A^ 
By A. L. Lewisy F.C.A. 1^ 

My friend, the late Francis Brent, F.S.A., of Plymouth, gave much consideration 
to this matter, and collected large numbers of worked flints (mostly of small size; from 
various parts of Cornwall, and especially from Dozmar^ Pool, several of which he 
gave to me during my various visits to him. Vol. 9 (1886) of the Journal of the 
Royal Institution of Cornwall contains a short paper on the subject by him, but it is 
principally a list of places where worked flints had been found, to which he afterwards 
added Boscaweu-un (near the circle), and Pohirrian headland, near Mullyon. I tried 
to get him to write a paper for the Anthropological Institute respecting the sites from 
which the flint Avas in his opinion obtained ; that he did not do^ but he gave me 
the following particulars, which are not contained in the paper cited. At various 
spots along the west coast of the Land\s End peninsula there were green sand flints, 
the nearest point of supply of which was, he thought, Haldon above Dawlish, and 
red chert from Chard. His belief was that the Dozmare flints were brought in bulk 
from Bere, on the Devonshire Coast, and worked on the spot where they were found 
in such large numbers, and that some found at Kyuance Cove came from the same 
source. Red chert, as he thought from Chard, was also found at Kynance Cove and 
at Goonhilly on the Lizard peninsula. In a lecture delivered by Mr. Brent before 

* History of lAtumatui. London, 1763. Vol. I., p. 283. 

[ 21 ] 



N08.14 13.] MAN. [1907. ^^1 


■ lie Pl,>rooLilh In^tiliiium oti Murcli 25, IKSO, lie »>tiJ "1 lui^o raiiiiU ihem" (flakes, ^^H 


ncraperM, borer?, hiiiI cores), "on SiaJ<ioii And Muker lieiglils, ueiir Tavistock, itnd on ^^^^| 


" White Tor, aUo tit Doziunii Fool, Kvnniice, »ii<l the Lan.l> EnJ, utiiJ. from tbe fuel ^^^H 


" that tliuv are usiinllv utuumpauio"! Uy fragineiilc, nbips, ami lirokeii pieces, I am "f ^^^^| 


'' opiaiun iliui ihej were man u fact iiroil on llio spot from {tebbleg broiiglit from a ^^^^M 


" ilistaiic^, firui were not themselves iisimllj' tnaile article? of liarter in (hpjr [lerfecl ^^^^| 


L. LEWIS. ^^H 


Solomon Islands. Edgre-Partington. ^^^ 


Insava, Chief of Rubiana, Salomon Islands: died 1906. f-l.riruelf iC ^ 

from n httrr from T. 11'. E.hjv-Vurhirjh,,,. Ihpult, C.),„>,.U>i,;wr. lu J 


TIk'iv litis U:}\, :, [R'liit'iKJ.ii]:' lot ■•( .l.'kii"" iiiiiotit: llu' iiariM's, liotli in SitiiUi ^^^| 


anil ill HiiUiniiM. TIm'> ll!l^.' U:-:^ .\y\n'i .'M'iv ,h.v iiii.l ,„:■ Mill doio^i: ho. It i^ ^^H 


nirryiM;; olT all the ^^^| 






oKI and women. ^^H 






old IiigaVH ^^H 






^^^H 






bix fuiieriil, ^^^^H 






was rather ^^H 


1 


^^^^^^^H^^^^^^^^^^ft^^ ^^^^H^a^^ 


Iminedialely ^^^^H 
be dca<U they ^^H 
sirappcd him a ^^^^| 

niii^h ^^^^1 
lliey bnd niiule, ^^^^| 


1 


^^^^^^^BBS/v* 


Fitting position. Then ^^^^| 

ihev put on all ^^H 

arm rings, ^^1 

iimounling to about ^^^^H 

on etieb arm— ^^^H 

OIL his breast his ^^^H 




^^^K^^^^^^Ev 


large " liakhia "— nil ^^H 

amniid ar- ^^H 


^^^^^^ 


^^B^^^ '^^^^b' M-y \l .'^ VV 


ran;!e<l his Pn-ola or ^^^^H 




and by ^^^^H 






kid ^^H 

K|iear», and ^^^^H 

tonmbawks. He wa!< ^^H 

tbis t^iiiiii}; ^^^^H 

|„.i,io,ir.,r.,oJ».,.; ^H 

at great ^^^H 






ligbling king. It was ^^^| 
a real "lyiog in stAt«" ^^^| 
nr rather " sittitig in ^^^| 


Iri^va was ^^^H 


1^^^^^^.^^ ^ 1^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^H 


i^^r^^l ff U.J p.r^U««. rf «™,...,/,„i™; /M.,M ^,^^ Mx^-eft^l figbter ill ^^H 


ilii? Kfoiip. The mourning arrangements wore a^ fullowh. His two i.-bief relations, ^^^^H 


Gumi nnd (iemu, nnil their children all Imve to ^havo ih'ir litiulr' mni are supjioMed ^^^^| 


lu remain on Ingava'a ixland for lOU dav». His ui.lou lui- t<> riniiiiii in In^avaV ^^H 


] ^H 



1907.] MAN. [Nob. 16-16. 

house for the same period and is not only not allowed to go outside but is not 
allowed to put her feet to the ground for the whole of that time. These rules are not 
so strictly observed now as formerly — they do the 100 days mourning on the island 
and shave their heads but they do not remain on the island all the time, for I saw some 
of them in the villages. The successor is Gemu, Ingava's eldest cousin. At the death 
of Ingava they had a big feast which is repeated every thirty days. Ingava was 
buried next to his father and brother at the end of his own island. Their form of 
burial is to leave the body in the fork of a tree until the flesh has rotted away, after 
which they remove the skull and put it into the Tamate house where all the relatives' 
skulls are kept. T. W. EDGE-PARTINGTON. 






Australia. van Gtennep. 

Questions australlennes. Par A, van Gennep. (Of. Man, 1906, 95.) |0 

M. Lang donne au mot justemenl un sens pr^»cis qu'il ne saurait avoir IH 
etant donn^e la place quMl occiipe dans la phrase. Cependaut j^accepte cette inter- 
pretation et fais remarquer a M. Lang que dans ses citations de Native Tribes n'est 
point contenu ce qu'il y voit (Man, 1906, 112) : — 

P Dans la premiere {Native Tribes^ p. 401), les Anc^tres descendirent sous 
terre ; mais il n'est pas dit qu'ils moururent. 

2** Dans la deuxi^me (t6., p. 410) il y a : " An old Panunga man . . . . 
opened a vein in his arm and thus flooding the country, drowned the Achilpa 
men in blood ; a large number of stones sprang up to mark the spot and they 
" still remain to show where the men went into ground." Comment descendirent- 
ils sous terre apres avoir ete noy6s ? II y a la une contradiction sur le sens de la- 
quelle seuls MM. Spencer et Gillen peuvent nous renseigner. M. Lang n^a pas cit^ 
ce passage in extenso, 

3® Dans la troisi^me (ib,^ p. 413) les hommes moururent mais il n'est pas dit 
qu'ils descendirent sous terre au moment mcme de leur mort. 

4® II en est de m^me pour les autres citations (t6., pp. 414, 415, 417). 

II n'y a done pas correlation entre descendre sous terre et mourir dans ces 
passages. Et cette correlation, c'est MM. Spencer et Gillen, ou plutot M. Lang en 
les interpretant, qui Font introduite. J'espdre que M. Lang s'explique maintenant 
" how I failed to discover what is so manifest ! " Sans compter qu'il ne s'agit dans 
les passages cites que des Hommes Achilpa, dont I'existence mythique est le sujet 
d'uu cycle l^gendaire particulier ; il reste toutes les autres legendes ou le semblant de 
correlation en question ne se decouvre meme pas. 

Cette discussion n'a d'ailleurs qu'une importance poldmique. II en est antre- 
ment de la question du " silence." Ce que je pretends, c'est que les opinions des 
demi-civilises sur les phenom^nes d'ordre sexuel sont encore fort mal connues en 
general. Nous sommes meme relativement bien renseignes pour les Australiens. 
Mais la encore restent de grandes lacunes. Les observateurs out trop de pudeur, 
ou manquent de connaissances biologiques et medicales, ou de connaissance^ ethno- 
graphiques, qui leur feraient entrevoir la n^cessite d'enquetes approfondies sur la vie 
sexueile et leur feraient comprendre des details entrevus en passant. Je crois que 
I'idee qu'on s'est faite a divers moments et en divers lieux du mecanisme physio- 
logique de la conception a joue un role important dans Telaboration d'institutions 
comme le mariage, I'heritage, etc. 

De meme que les demi-civilises out leur cosmologie, leur cosmographie, leur 
zoologie, leur toxicologic, etc., ils out leur biologic. Et parmi les processus d'ordre 
biologique, celui de la reproduction a du les interesser, et leur suggerer des theories 
pre-scientifiques. Un exeraple connu : le pouvoir du mari et du pere dans (livers 

[ 23 ] 



No. 16.] MAN. 11907. 

codes du midi de TEiirope tieot k ce que dans cette region Tidee que la generation 
est ToRuvre de Thomme seul, la ferame n'etant qu'uu receptacle, s'est imposee de plus 
en plus generalemeut. 

Cette opinion a etc rencoutree dans TAustralie du Sud et du Sud-£st par M. Howitt, 
du moins dans quelques tribus. Mais les autres : comment expliquent-elles la 
generation ? 

Or c'est la pour moi la question importante, les cas australiens ne me servant 
provisoirement que de materiaux pour un travail plus etendu. Mais ce n'est pas, 
comme le croit M. Lang, la question de la reincarnation. A tons ses correspondants 
M. Lang demande, semble-t-il : " Les Australiens an contact desquels vous vivez 
" croient-ils k la reincarnation ? " C'est la un probleme interessaut en soi. Mais 
la theorie reincarnation iste n'est que Tune des explications demi-civilisees du proces 
phjsiologique et biologique. Et ce qui le prouve, c'est que les Euahlayi de 
M™® K. Langioh Parker et les Australiens de TOuest informateurs de M"*® Bates 
ont repondu par dela la question secondaire posee (reincarnation) a la question 
fondamentale sous-entendue (mecanisme de la conception). 

Quoiqu'il en soit, M. Lang dit en (v) a propos de la " theorie conceptioniste " 
que la verite se fora jour : et il Taide en ccla, contre sa propre theorie, en publiant 
les reponses de M"^® Bates. 

S'il m'est permis de donner la formule de la question a poser, ce sera celle-ci : 
" De quelle maniere se font (ou : avez-vous) vos enfants ? " Ainsi on ne prejuge 
ni animisme, ni r6incarnationisme et on laisse a Tindig^ne toute latitude de s^expli- 
quer compldtemcnt. Ceci ne vaut pas seulement pour les Australiens, mais pour tons 
ies demi-civilises. 

Eniin je trouve un cas interessant de " convergence '' (mot qui a semble etrange 
k plusieurs critiques) dans The Euahlayi Tribe : *' The first division among this 
" tribe is a blood distuiction : — 

" Gwaigulleah - - light blooded. 

" Gwaimudthen - - dark blooded. 

" This distinction is not confined to the human beings of the tril>e, who must be 
" of one or the other, but there are the Gwaigulleah and Gwaimudthen divisions in 
" all things (p. 11). . . . The origin of this division is said to be the fact that 
" the original ancestors were, on the one side, a red race coming from the west, the 
" Gwaigulleah ; on the other a dark race coming from the east." II y aurait done 
eu convergence de groupes appartcnant a deux races differentes, ensuite fusionn^es, 
mais continuant k se partager Tunivers d'un commun accord.* De meme M. Siebert 
a recueilli chez les Dieri une legendc mettant en sc^ne des enfants a la peau 
noire, Ngatani-maru-maru, et des enfants a la peau claire ou rougeatre, Ngatani- 
maralye (cf. Miss Ilowitt in Folk-Lore^ 1902, pp. 414-417) ; et an temoignage 
de M. O. Siebert {Folk-Lore^ op, cit, p. 404) ou distingue dans la region du lac 
Eyre trois teintes de peau. 

A defaut d'autres renseignenients, il est difficile de preciser ici la concordance 
entre le type ethnique et la phratrie ou la classe. Et je ne pretends pas que dans 
le systeme de 8 ou de 4 sous-groupes ou groupes il faille admettre Texistence de 
8 ou de 4 " races " differentes. Mais le cas des Dieri et des Euahlayi pent s'^tre 
presente frequemment. II serait maintenant interessaut de savoir si les designations 
dieri a base anthropologique ont aussi, comme chez les Euahlayi, une valeur de 
classification generale et une portee sociale. A. VAN GENNEP. 

• Suivaiit un proc6d<:j bieu exix)s^ par MM. E. Durkheim et Marcel Mauss claus I'Annee 
SiK^ioloffique, T. VI (1903). 

[ 24 ] 



1907.] MAN. [No. 17. 

REVIEWS. 
India, South. Rivers. 

The Todas. By W. H. R. Rivera. Loudon : Macmillau, 1906. Pp. xviii IT 
+ 755. 23 X 15 cm. Price 21s. If 

lu this goodly volume Dr. Rivers has giveu a remarkable accouut of a remarkable 
«nd exceptional race, dwelling for an unknown period on an extensive mountain 
plateau in southern India, apart from the peoples of the plains, unlike them in 
appearance, customs, and religious observances, and at the present day, when their 
iiilis have become the resort of numerous Europeans and other nationalities, still 
remaining unchanged. This tribe is in nowise savage or barbarous, but rather a 
pastoral inoffensive people whose life and habits are bound up with their herds, 
consisting of buffaloes of a fine breed, the milk of which enters largely into their food 
and ceremonial rites. Some of each herd are held sacred, though undistinguished by 
any marks, and their treatment and movements are attended with special formalities 
when changing to fresh enclosures and pasturages. 

Dr. Rivers has given a full and elaborate account of Toda life, observances, and 
ceremonials, so complete and minute an account indeed of a most intricate and com- 
plicated subject, abounding with details difficult to acquire, with names and terms 
also given in the uncouth Toda tongue, as to excite wonder at the success with which 
he has carried out the undertaking. 

The Todas are divided into two distinct groups, marriage between whom is not 
allowed ; each division is further divided into " clans " each with its own name, 
taken from the village in which they live ; the division named the Tartharol, comprising 
twelve clans, is double the size of the other division, the Teivaliol, which has only 
six. The Todas live in little villages scattered about the hills, in some parts more 
thickly than others, at some time, it is thought, more generally than at present ; the 
Toda name for them is Mad, but connnonly they are known as Mand. The huts 
are peculiar in shape, round and topped like half a Imat or barrel, thatched, the ends 
closed with planks, u door in front, the interior sometimes roomy, sometimes small 
and stuffy, there is a fireplace within, and usually raised seats outside in front ; the 
hut is often enclosed by a rough stone wall with a narrow opening. Near most villages 
there is another hut held sacred as the dairy, and near it a circular enclosure or pen 
in which the buffaloes are confined at night. The dairy hut is the centre of Toda 
dairy life and ceremonial. It is presided over by a dairyman-priest called palol^ who 
must belong to the Teivaliol division ; he is the most sacred personage, and his 
inauguration in the office is a very comj)licated ceremonial, and his life and actions 
are severely regulated. A village possessing a dairy hut is called //. Some possess 
more than one, and some clans have many dairies and corresponding dairy men. The 
herds of buffaloes in the villages comprise both ordinary and sacred animals, the latter 
often of different degrees of sanctity, and their milk is used and churned in dairies of 
different grades, the higher distinguished by the possession of a sacred bell and a more 
elal>orate ritual ; the buffaloes of all kinds, however, are the property, not of the clan, 
but of families or individuals. 

There are two kinds of Toda dairies, one like the ordinary dwelling-hut, containing 
usually two or three rooms in which the varied and numerous vessels and utensils 
used in daily life and ceremonies are stored ; the other has a conical roof, drawn up 
into a sort of spire, and is held of much superior sanctity. Dairies of this kind were 
once more numerous, but now only three or four exist. Each dairy has its special 
name according to the kind of buffalo connected with it. Within the dairy a number 
of vessels in daily or ceremonial use are stored, each with its own name, they are of 
earthenware or bamboo, and, as well as the interior of the dairy, are very elaborately 
purified every dav. The dairy priest, as well as the other Todas, usually rises before 

[ 25 ] 



No. 17.] MAN. [1907. 

daylight, and on rising says a word of benediction, and on issuing from the hut salutes 
the sun. The dairy-man then goes through an elaborate ritual of washing and 
salutation, lights a lamp by rubbing together three pieces of a special wood, and goes 
through many evolutions of prayer and gesticulation, then adjusts his clothing, and 
going outside begins to churn the coagulated milk that had been drawn, the evening 
before. He then salutes the buffaloes, which meanwhile have been let out of their 
enclosure, milks them in the appointed way, and when the vessels are filled, recites 
the prayer of the village, standing in a prescribed position and place, and finally seats 
himself by the dairy-door and calls on a boy to bring him buttermilk, which after 
certain formalities he drinks from a leaf-cup, which is then thrown away. This 
concludes the dairywork of the morning, but much the same operations are repeated 
in the afternoon. On these occasions buttermilk is served out to some privileged 
Todas, not to all, for ordinary Todas may not approach the Palol except on certain 
days, and women only by an allotted path when receiving buttermilk. 

The life of the Todas, especially when in priestly office, is so rigidly environed 
with minute observances and regulations that it is difficult to give even a general view ; 
much must be omitted or lightly passed over, and closer enquiry referred to Dr. Rivers's 
exhaustive volume. 

In appearance the Todas are a striking, picturesque race, quite distinguishable from 
the peoples of the plains on both sides of the Nilgiris, tall and well-proportioned, their 
skins dark brown, lighter than the Hindus of the plains, the head long and the black 
hair thick and abundant, especially of the women, who wear it in long ringlets^ 
never seen on women of Dravidian raee. They hold themselves much superior to all 
surrounding nationalities, and are grave in demeanour and intelligent. Both men and 
women wear a long mantle thrown round the shoulders without fastening, giving a 
sort of picturesque, almost classical, appearance. When showing respect the Toda 
man bares and exposes his right arm. A curiously characteristic salutation takes 
place between a man and any younger female relative when they chance to meet ; the 
man raises his foot whilst the woman places her hand under the foot and raises it to 
her forehead, and repeats the same with the other foot. 

As in all Hindu nations of Southern India the system of kinship amongst the 
Todas is extremely complicated. The subject is dealt with at length in Chapter 21 
of the volume under consideration, but room for even an abstract could hardly find 
place in a notice like the present. There are sets of terms expressing kinship, one 
used when speaking of relatives and another when speaking to relatives. A father, 
his brothers, all males of the same generation, and husbands of sisters have their special 
fonn of address ; elder brothers of the father are addressed in one way and younger 
brothers in another way. There are separate forms, too, of speaking of and to a mother, 
also to any other wife of the father, to the mother's sisters, the wives of the father's 
brothers, and sisters of the wife's father. This complicated system of address and 
nomenclature (cannot be followed up here. A curious point is the difference of kinship 
terms used in speaking to or of a relative ; the terms in speaking to seem largely based 
on relative ages and generations. A Toda may not mention the name of the man from 
whom he has received his wife, nor of his grandfather or grandmother, nor of a dead 
relative : such can onlv be mentioned in a roundalx)Ut wav. 

The marriage customs of the Todas have long excited attention, polygamy being 
prominent and well established amongst them. So is infant marriage, in which a form 
of agreement between the parents of the boy and girl is arranged, and a kind of 
betrothal takes place in which the boy, after performing prescribed salutations to the 
girl's parents and brothers, gives her a cloth as a wedding gift. Father and son 
then return to their village, the girl sometimes, but rarely, with them. Much oftener 
she remains at her own hi>me till fifteen or sixteen years of age : the l>oy meanwhile 

[ 26 ] 



1907.] MAN. [No. 17. 

ha« to repeat the gift of a cloth twice a year. No man or woman may marry a 
member of his or her clan, but must marry into another clan. Marriage between two 
members of the same clan is absolutely forbidden. There are other prohibitions too 
long to detail. Notwithstanding this, however, there is extreme laxity in sexual 
matters, both before and after marriage, adultery is regarded as no offence, and 
polyandry is an organised system. When a woman marries it is understood she also 
becomes the wife of his brothers. It is the same when men live together as if 
they were brothers, even should they live in different villages the wife lives 
with each in turn, usually for a month. When pregnant one of the husbands 
is chosen to perform the ceremony of giving an imitation bow and arrow formed 
from a bent stick, a slip of bark as a string, and a stalk of grass as an arrow ; both 
stick and grass are of special kinds. This ceremony is of great importance and 
must be performed during a first pregnancy, the man who gives the bow and arrow 
lieing thereby marked and regarded as the father of the child, even though he hml 
nothing to do with the woman before. After the ceremony the woman goes to her 
usual home and stays till delivery takes place. The child then born l)elongs to the 
clan of the husband who has given the bow and arrow, and this is the rule in any 
succeeding pregnancies. So loose is the marriage tie among the Todas that wives 
are frequently transfen'cd from one husband or group of husbands to another on 
payment of a fine of buffaloes ; such transfers are made quite peaceably on mutual 
agreement ; divorce, too, exists, when a husband is dissatisfied with his wife, on 
payment of a fine of one buffalo to the wife's people. The extraordinary looseness 
of marriage bonds does not appear to lead to quarrels or jealousy, as indeed is natural 
when adultery is looked upon as no offence. It would be too long to enter into the 
social organisation of the Todas, their laws of property and inheritance, their clan- 
divisions, and privileges and offices peculiar to each. Their government by a 
definite council, their beliefs and traditions, are all minutely described in this laborious 
volume. 

The Todas believe in several gods, much like themselves, who once intermixed 
with and ruled them, but are now unseen, and most of them inhabit the summits of 
the hills. Two of them are pre-eminent. One a male god, named On; the other 
a female, Teikirzi, Many forms of prayers are used by the Todas in connection with 
the dairy ceremonial and on certain other occasions. Each village has its own form 
of prayer, the general burden being petitions for the health of the buffaloes and to 
avert evil. The Todas are very averse from giving examples of prayers used, but 
Dr. Rivers was able to obtain some which he has given at length. 

The funeral ceremonies of the Todas are remarkable and extremely complicated ; 
they are minutely described in the volume under notice ; only a general view can be 
given here. The body of a dead Toda is burnt, and this is regarded as a first funeral 
and has its special name and ceremonial. After an interval that may extend from a 
month to a year, a second funeral ceremony, also specially named, is held, and on the 
next morning before daybreak the relics are finally burnt and all ashes buried within 
a circle of stones in which the last burning took place. 

The extraordinary number of observances and ceremonies performed at these 
funerals cannot be enumerated and described in a notice like this, all are strictly 
followed and described at length in Dr. Rivers's book. Toda life, indeed, is passed 
in the observance of extraordinary elaborate ceremonials at birth, marriage, and death. 
Daily offices, worship, food- taking, and movements are all rigidly regulated. 

It has been said that the To<la tribe differs in appearance, way of living, habits, 
and speech from any of the peoples inhabiting the plains surrounding their mountain 
abode. The first European who saw them was a priest belonging to the Christians 
of St. Thomas, on the nunour of a race descended from the ancient Christians of 

[ 27 ] 



Nos. 17-18.] MAN. [1907. 

St. Thomas Haid to be living upon mountains in the interior of Malabar. A priest, 
Father Finicio, was accordingly sent to explore and get information bj a Bishop of 
Calicut in 1603. The father reached the top of the then unknown mountains after a 
most toilsome and difficult journey and saw the Todas, who from his account appear to 
have been the same in appearance and customs as at present ; the father made but a 
short stay of two days and returned to Calicut. Since then till the early years of last 
century no record of the Todas exists. Whence they came remains uncertain. Dr. Rivers 
is inclined to think they were an offshoot from some of the races in Malabar between 
whose customs and theirs some shades of resemblance exist. In some points, especially 
in funeral ceremonies, there are similarities between Toda customs and those of other 
parts of India, but their own manners and customs and physical characteristics remain 
•the best evidence. They must for long centuries have been resident on the Nilgiris. 
How and whence they came there no one can tell. There is no tradition amongst 
them of being driven from other regions by war or persecution ; their mountains, 
remote and difficult of access, with a climate extremely repellent to Hindus, who 
would never resort there bv choice, have nevertheless been their abode from a distant 
antiquity, and their exceptional observances, such as the very complex rituals connected 
with their buffiiloes, milk, and dairies appear to have been evolved amongst themselves, 
as well as their system of mountain-dwelling deities. Polyandry, too, though not 
unknown in other parts of India, is a much more habitual and organised feature in 
their life than elsewhere. In fine, notwithstanding likenesses in some details between 
the Todas and other Hindu races, the Todas give rise to an impression of singularity 
and ai)artness, which is strengthened by Dr. Rivers's very searching, complete, and 
interesting account here too inadequately noticed. M. J. W. 



Greece. Lang:. 

Homer and his Age, By Andrew Lang. London : Longmans, Green & Co., ill 
1906. Pp. xii + 336, with 8 plates. 22 x 15 cm. Price 12«. 6rf. 10 

It was high time that someone protested against what may be called the Higher 
Criticism of the Homeric poems, and many a student will rejoice to know, on excellent 
authority, that most of his difficulties are imaginary. ** In searching with microscopes 
** for Homeric discrepancies and interpolations " the critics have brought bewilderment 
on the reader, and in some cases ridicule on themselves ; and but for Mr. Lang^s 
knowledge and enthusiasm, we might still be wondering whether the simple inter- 
pretation of the poems could, after all, be the true one. Though the author is 
compelled to fight the separatist critics with their own weapons and thus to deal 
with several questions in minute detail, his main position can be easily understood, 
and may be put in his own words : " It is our effort to show that the unus color 
of Wolf (one harmony of colour) does pervade the epics ; that recent details are 
not often, if ever, interpolated ; that the poems harmoniously represent one age, 
^' and that a brief age of culture ; that this effect cannot, in a thoroughly uncritical 
period, have been deliberately aimed at and produced by archaeological learning, 
or by sedulous copying of poetic tradition or by the scientific labours of an 
*• editor iu the sixth century B.C." 

It was admitted by Wolf more than a century ago that the Iliad, and still 
more the Odyssey, had artistic unity ; but he adds that this consummate piecing 
together is just what one would not expect from an early poet who merely recited 
single rhapsodies. In the light of Mr. Laug*s treatise, this must rank as sheer 
jwrversity. Granted the supreme genius of Homer, the wonder would be that this 
unity could be preserveil without a written text through four centuries. An excursus 
throws iloubt on the editing of the poems under Pisistratus, and ^* against the 

[ 28 ] 



4« 



■4i 
4k 



1907.] MAN. [Nos. 18-19. 

*^ hypothesis of the existence of early texts, there is nothing, except the feeling of 
*^ some critics that it is not likely/* 

Chronological limits for the composition of both poems are easily found, as the 
date generally agreed upon for the fall of Troy is about 1100 b.c. and the earliest 
Cyclic poems, which presuppose the Iliad, date from about 776 b.c. Further, the 
Homeric civilisation is evidently earlier than that represented in the Dipylon cemetery 
outside the walls of Athens, and for that age of geometrical design the earliest date 
is 900-850. A marked feature of that cemetery is the occurrence of burnt and 
unburnt burials, the former being an exotic rite that recalls the treatment of the- 
Homeric dead. For once Mr. Lang agrees with the view taken by his fellow 
translator of the Iliad, Dr. Leaf, who holds that Homer described an age later than 
that of the famous tombs discovered by Schliemann on the acropolis of MycensB, 
and earlier than the Dipylon tombs of Attica. The poems incline rather to the 
earlier than the later period, and cremation at Athens must be regarded as a survival 
from the time when cairns were raised over cinerary urns on the plains of Troy. 
Mr. Lang would tentatively put the latest expansions of the poems before 1000 B.C., 
but there are solid reasons for attributing the bulk of the Iliad and Odyssey to the 
tenth and eleventh centuries. From this standpoint the vexed questions of Homeric 
criticism are boldly faced. Iron is shown to have been in use for implements of 
various kinds ; but, perhaps owing to imperfect tempering, it had not superseded 
bronze as the material for swords and spears. On a potsherd of the Dipylon 
period are seen shields of three different shapes, and in view of the conflicting 
evidence, it may well be that the shields of Homer's day were not of uniform 
pattern : in any case they were not inordinately heavy, and did not render a chariot 
absolutely necessary in action. Another interesting theory is advanced to explain 
the bronze covering of the Homeric shield ; while layers of oxhide, bent into the 
figure-of-8 form, had been sufficient to keep out stone-tipped arrows in the Mycenean 
age, metal plates were required against arrow-heads of bronze, which were tanged 
not socketed. 

There are other chapters on armour, the Homeric house, notes of change in the 
Odyssey (which reminds one of the snakes in Ireland), changes in language, certain 
interpolations, and, by way of novelty, a comparative study of early epics, which goes 
to show that poets (except in a modern age of criticism) do not cultivate archa?ology, 
but in rehandling the poetic themes of their predecessors, give to the stories *^ a new 
costume '* in the fashion of their own day. An editor who could have put together 
the Homeric poems as we know them in the sixth century, must have been a greater 
genius than the originator of the component lays. 

Warmly as we welcome this volume, with its illustrations and copious index, 
it seems to have lacked a final revision. A few misprints in foreign words can be 
easily overlooked, but there are from time to time repetitions of the main points 
that might well be spared : one instance more conspicuous than others may be found 
on pp. 191 and 192. Mr. Lang has also given us better metaphors than the ''master- 
less floating j[ellyfish of old poems and new," on p. 41 — if, indeed, the words quoted 
are his own. These are, however, but spots in the sun, and we join the author in 
the hope that burial cairns may yet be discovered in the neighbourhood of Troy to 
show if Homer lied. R. A. S. 



India, South. Thurston. 

Ethnographic Notes in Southern India. By Edgar Thurston. Madras, |A 

1906. Pp. viii-f580. Forty plates. 22 x 14 cm. Price 6s. lu 

The many official and other publications of India — Census reports, district 

gazetteers and manuals, reports of commissions and surveys, missionary journals, &c. 

[ 29 ] 



No. 19.] MAN. [1907. 

— contaiu a vasjt amount of valuable ethnographic material which is not readily 
accessible* Mr. Thurston is performing a great service to anthropology in bringing 
together in convenient form collections of this material from the south of India, and 
in adding to it the fruits of his own researches and much information gathered by 
his assistants and friends. 

The l>ook consists of three long articles and many shorter papers. The first 
article on marriage customs is reprinted from Mr. Thurston^s Bulletins, but with many 
interesting additions, including a group dealing with the part played by the maternal 
uncle in connection w^ith marriage. The second article on death ceremonies is wholly 
new and gives a very valuable picture of the beliefs and customs accompanying the 
disposal of the dead. It comes out very clearly that the original method of disposing 
of the bodies of the dead is burial, and that this method only becomes replaced by 
cremation as Brahmanic influence becomes strong. It is interesting that burial in the 
fitting posture is frequent among the ruder tribes. There is an interesting account 
of the funeral customs of the different tribes in and around the Nilgiri district 
showing how special features belonging to the ritual of one tribe may be borrowed 
bv others. 

The third of the longer articles deals with magical beliefs and practices of various 
kinds, with omens, the evil eye, beliefs connected with animals, and votive offerings. 
Especially interesting are the practices of the forcible removal of the teeth of a 
sorcerer in order to counteract the evil effects produced by his spells and the custom 
of calling in the members of low castes or tribes to commit crimes of violence. It 
is evident that in the latter case the practice is a direct result of the belief in the 
magical powers of aboriginal races. Those who have acquired the habit of calling 
on these people for help in any nefarious designs against others have continued to 
do so when the designs involve physical violence instead of charms and spells. 

A very suggestive ceremony of the Madigas is recordetl. At the marriage of 
one of these people an animal is sacrificed and the sacrificer impresses his blood- 
stained hand on the wall of the house, the object being to avert the evil eye. It 
is possible that we have here a primitive custom which has been one source of the 
widespread belief in the efficacy of the hand, and especially of the red hand, as a 
charm against the effects of the evil eye. 

In one of the shorter articles on fire-walking, Mr. Thurston has brought together 
several accounts by European eye-witnesses, from which it is evident that, in many 
cases at any rate, no more mysterious attribute is needed in the fire-walker than the 
normal thickened sole of those accustomed to go barefoot, assisted sometimes by the 
application of some substance to diminish the sensitiveness of the feet. The other 
Articles deal with deformity and mutilation, with torture in the past and corporal 
punishment in the present, with slavery, fire-making, infanticide and human sacrifice, 
dress, names, the Couvade, earth-eating, boomerangs, &c. In the article on the 
Couvade several doubtful examples are included. The seclusion of women after child- 
birth has almost certainly a motive very different from that of the Couvade, arising 
from the idea of pollution attaching to this period. If the seclusion is shared by the 
husband, it is duo to his having been in contact with the source of pollution and not 
to the sympathetic relation between father and child which is almost certainly the 
motive of the Couvade. 

The large volume in which this valuable collection is embodied, a volume issued 
at the price of only 65., illustrates the extraordinary wealth of Southern India in 
material for the student of sociology and religion. It will serve to whet our appetites 
Tor the large work on the tribes and castes of Southern India which Mr. Thurston 
promises us. W. H. R. RIVERS. 

[ 30 ] 



1907.] MAN. [Nob. 20-21. 

Tibet. O'Connor. 

Folk' Tales from Tibetj with Illustrations by a Tibetan Artist,^ and some All 
Verses from Tibetan Love- Songs, Collected and translated by Captain W. F. fcU 
O'Connor. London : Hurst & Blackett, 1906. Pp. viii + 176. 23 x 18 em. Price 

7«. M, 

This collection of, Tibetan folk-tales distinctly advances our knowledf^e of this 
interesting people. Outwardly they seem a most stolid and unimaginative race ; but, 
as their folk-tales show, they possess a lively sense of humour, and Captain O'Connor 
vouches for the fact that he has known a story interrupted for ten minutes at a 
time by the uncontrollable merriment aroused by some comic incident. Hitherto 
little has been known of Tibetan folk-lore except in Miss Busk's Sagas from the 
Far East^ and in Schiefner's tales translated from the Kah Gyur into German, and 
thence into English, under the title of Tibetan Talcs derived from Indian Sources^ 

bv Mr. Ralston. 

ft 

Captain O'Connor professes to have winnowed from his collection those of 
foreign origin — Indian and Chinese. But here he has not been quite successful, 
unless, of course, we assume that similar tales have been independently invented. 
Thus the ninth tale of the hare who induces the lion to look at his shadow in the 
water and thus loses his life, and the tenth in which he frightens the wolf by pre- 
tending that he has been directed to collect ten wolf skins, both come direct from the 
Panchatantra and other Hindu sources. The tale, again, of the man who prospers by 
befriending a wounded sparrow is almost certainly Buddhistic ; and that of the magic 
water which revives the dead suggests the Indian Amrita. All this is exactly what 
we might expect in view of the close connection between Tibetan and Indian 
Buddhism, and the constant visits of Indian pilgrims to the sacred mount of Kailksa 
and the holy lake, Mknsarovar in Western Tibet. 

A number of the tales deal with animals, and here the hare is not only the 
clever beast, but assumes a malignant, almost demoniac, form. He induces the tiger 
to pluck out his eyes and eat them ; he gets the fox and wolf to strangle themselves, 
and, as we have seen, he destroys the tiger and frightens the wolf. The other 
clever beast is the frog who befools the crow. 

The tales abound in the familiar incidents common to such stories all over the 
world. Thus we have the separable soul in the story which tells how the ogre can 
be slain only by one who strikes him from behind, and what Captain O'Connor calls 
his "mascot" is a boy on whose life his depends. In a somewhat similar tale the 
ogre keeps his life in a green parrot, and when its neck is wrung he dies also. So 
we have a supernatural birth story where the agency employed is a number of pills, 
a lion which vomits gold, helping animals, and important variants of the master 
thief and the swan maidens. 

The book, in fact, is full of interest, and the tales are admirably told. We 
trust Captain O'Connor will be encouraged to supply us with another budget from 
his stores, and he should certainly retain the services of the native artist at Gyantse, 
who has given us a set of illustrations which are excellent examples of the grotesque. 

W. CROOKE. 



Afirioa, East. Maugham. 

Portuguese East Africa, By R. C. F. Maugham. London : Miuray, 1906. 0| 
Pp. xii4-340. 23 x 15 cm. Price 15*. LI 

The native inhabitants of the territory of Portuguese East Africa have been 
more or less under European influence for the last 400 years and prior to the Portu- 
guese conquest were under Arab influence. This fact, combined with a considerable 

[ 31 ] 



Hob. 21-22.] MAN. a907. 

amount of miscegenation between the native and the alien raoes and tlio <lisintcprra- 
tion of trilKjs eansed by the ex])ort of slaves, has tended to break down their tribal 
organination and to niodifv their tribal cnstoms. For this reason, althon^rh the territory 
afTordH less opportunity for original anthrojwiojrical research than others that have 
been less subjected to alien influence, it is interesting to notice which customs common 
to most African tribes have survived and which liave disappeared. In the above 
l>ook tlie author devotes two chapters to a description of the natives in the territory 
under review. He notes an absence of triljal designations and political organisation. 
Faith in witcbcraft and the efficacy of trial by ordeal, on the other band, and the 
belief that human ghouls sometimes secretly devour corp-ses, are still deeply rooted 
in the minds of the peoj)le. The author, in common with one or two other observers, 
considers that the last-mentioned l)elief is not wholly without foundation. His 
description of the poison ordeal is the more valuable because be received it at first hand 
from a man who had survived it. The custom of wife purchase has been modifie<l 
to the extent of allowing the prospective bridegroom to pay for his wife with European 
money instead of with sucli valuables as usually serve for currency. Aj>j)arently 
there is no actual marriage ceremony. Hainmakers are still credited with power to 
influence the weather, but one of these very rightlv refuses to exercise his skill until 
the (iovernment shall grant him oflicial recognition and a salary. The tribes between 
Lake Xvassa and Mozambique have alwavs successfullv resisted and still resist 
Portuguese authority. They should therefore aflbrd interesting material for original 
resean;h, especially a samong one of the.<e trilnts, the Makua, tlie custom of polyandry, 
rare among Bantu peo])h», is practi.sed. The author lays stress on the mental 
deterioration that follows on the period of puberty, and compares the effect that British, 
Portuguese, and Arabs respectively have on the nativ(?s who come under their influence. 
Besides thc^ two chapters on the natives the author in(;ludes a useful vocabulary and 
some very practical remarks on camp equipment, food supplies, and the safeguarding of 
health. RALPH A. DURAND. 



Arohseologry. Thleidlen. 

Les Prejt/f/es et Ics Faits en Indtistriv l^rehistoriquc. Par. A. Thieullen. AA 
Paris : Imprimerie Larousse, 1906. Pp. 32, with illustrations in the text, mmlm 
31 X 21 cm. 

No. 102 of Man, 1904, gave a very brief account of a little work by M. Thieullen, 
describing, firstly, certain flints found by him, which, in his opinion, had been 
chip])ed to rej)resent various objects, and secondly, the unfavourable manner in which 
his views had been received. In no way <launted by his failure to convert the anduvo- 
logical world, and reinforced by some further si>ecimens, M. Thieullen returns to the 
charge in the booklet before us, and gives illustrations of three more examples : — 
a fish, the tail of which he coiiten<ls only a defect in his eyesight caused M. Adrien 
du Mortillct to ])ronounce not artificially formed; a resemblance of a human face ; and 
an elephant, which latter, however, was found in two pieces, at differeut places, and 
at an interval of five years. It is certain that some men have in ])ast times chijtped 
flint into the resemblance of living creatures ; it is probable that they nniy have done 
so in paheolithic times ; and it is even possible that some of M. Thieullen's speci- 
mens may be examples of their work : but every case must be judged on its own 
merits, and the cvidenee on which the two pieces of his elephant are supposed to 
belong to one another is not sufliciently clearly stated. We can but echo the sugges- 
tion of M. Kutot, quoted by the author, that if he will only continue his researches 
he may find something which will be ab.*.olutely (conclusive. A. L. L. 



Priiiti*<l by Kyke AND Spottiswoode, His Mjijrsly's Printers, Ea«t Ilanling S^troet, E.C. 



1907.] 



MAN. 



[ITos. 23-24. 



Edge-Partington. 

,..23 



ORIGINAL ARTICLES. 
New Zealand. With Plate 0. 

A New Zealand Box <Waka). Bg J. Ed^c-Pitrtinglm, 

The bos lioro tigiireil wiis |iiir<!ba3ed 1>^ my^olf ut the sale of Sir Cliarles 
Fi-oderii'kV effunt!* nt Slmwfnril Hall, iieiir Wincboslur. I was, liowcver, unable 
to nbtuiii any informntion a§ to how it i^amo into bta po^pcasioii. Tbe i&ei of \M 
Imviiig bet'u cousiilcred ''tin Iniliun cbicFs coffin" pcrbapg expluiiis its biirini amongst 
other Iridiau "curioailies." The term featlier bos (icaka huia) seems to mo lianlly 
npplirable to n box of this aizo which, according to Hamilton [Maori Art, p. 422), 
" would be eaptible of lioIUing greenstoue meres or otber viilimblc property." Tho 
meaouruDients (3 feet by II inches by 10^ indies) exceed those of any known 
specimen: tlie weight is 19^ lbs. The carving on the lid differs from iho ordinnry 
type in that the two ligures are both represented as males : tliese are cnt in very 
high relief and are, with the exception of the ornaments ou the lop of ibe beads, 
idcnticul. The eyes are inlaid with lialiotis shell. Tho Iwx has exery nppoarance 
of great age. The underside is convex with a longitudiiiat ridge ; the bandlei^ at the 
ends arc formed by the heads of two figures, the l>odiei) of which appear on the 




SIBK VIBW 



base, the eyes of one of these huve been inlaid, while those of tlio other are in an 
unfinished condition, and this is the caso with all the other ligiu-ea on the base. With 
the exception of the protruding beatis there is no carving on the fiuils. The inside 
of the box shows very clearly that it has been worked upon by stone toots. 

J. EUGE-PARTJNGTON. 



"Woodford. 

24 



Polynesia : Rennell Island. 

Notes on Rennell Island, lii/ C. M. IVoodfnrd. Ileiidcul Commissi 
British Soliiiiwn Ittitntit, l.ornl Correspondent Anthropological Inttilule. 

Iteiiui^ll Island is situated about !)U milee soutb-weatwai'd of -San Crisloval, and 
in about 15 miles in length and not more than about six miles wide. It is about 
400 feet high, almost of uniform height from end to end. us appears from the point of 
view of a vessel iu tho offing, It is composed entirely of upheaved coral and is densely 
wooded. The north coast is almost straight from one end to the other, but tho south 
const line is bn)keu up iulo a succcs.^ion of buys divided one from another by sliglitly 
projecting headlands. 

In the largest of these bays about the centre of the island we managed lo find 
a. fair-weather anchorage, protected from tlie eoutli-eaat in about fifteen fathoms, with 
n sandy bottom, situated about a quarter of a mile from shore, well within the eaetem 
point of the bay. At all other places where we uommunicuted with the natives thu 
vessel stood oS and on. 

This island aud tho smaller island of Belloua, which lies about fift'ccu miles N.W, 
by W. of it, are perhaps as lillle known as any tiilaniU in the western I'acilic. They 
t 33 ]' 



Ho. 24.] 



MAN. 



asoT. 



: descerulaats of 



■ea Urift- 
IslamlH 



wn of these 



are sparsely inhabited and the natives bave no produce to sell. For these reasoDs a 
visit to KcDoell was all the more interesting, aa it afforded an opportunity of fonning^ 
an acquainlauco with a race of people almost entirely free from previous contact 
with white men. 

The natives are pure PolyneeiaoB, and are, doubtles 
castaways from some of the 
islands inhabited by Poly- 
nesians situated to the north 
of Santa Cruz. The distance 
from Santa Cruz in a direct 
line, which would clear the 
soatb-eaBt end of the Solomon 
Group, is about 300 miles in 
a W.S.W. direction. During 
the last twenty years I have 
known of several ca 
ing from the Ke 
north of Santa Ci 
Solomous. 

So little 
two islands that even the 
native namcH have not been 
ascertained, nor was I able to 
learn tbem from the natives 
during my visit. The Mela- 
nesian unlives of San Cristoval 
know Reunell by the nume of 
Totobuko, and I have men- 
tioned elsewhere that I be- 
lieve Reunell may be idenlifieU 
with the island known to 
the Sikaiana natives as Feuu- 
anala (Fenuuhala) (Man, 1906, 
103) ; this is, of course, a 
purely Polynesian name. 

The natives may be said 
at present to have arrived at 
the " hoop-iron age" of civili- 
sation, but, although I saw no 
stone or shell axes actually in 
use, they were most eager to 
secure a shell nxe which I 
showed them. 

Wo comniu nitrated with 
the natives in live places, and, 
from the aneliorage, penetrated 
about three miles inland. 

The coastline of the island 
coral cliff* covered with a stnnli 
8 small talus of fallen coral at the foot of ihi 
growth prevails, but in some places tli 
is only at the heads of the l>ays that an occasi 
[ 34 ] 




bordered for th 
id wind-swept gi 



almost precipitous 

In places tliere is 

flourishing 

perfectly sleep-to, and it 

idy beach is to be found. 



1907.] 



MAN. 



[No. 24. 



In some places a few coco-nute were noticed growing near the aea. Upon elimination 
thejr were found to bear nuta of a large bIko, hat apparontlj few were allowed lo anire 
at mataritj. At tlie place whore we laiiiletl, having surmoimted the ooaatal coral 
precipice, we descended ngaiu, almost to sea level, into what must have been the central 
lagoon of the reef before its upheaval. 




F RENNELL ISLAND (BACK VIEW). 



WOHAH OF BEKKELL ISLAND. 



Some gardens were uolited in the bed of this aucient lagoon in which a few 
inferior yams, luro, papaws, moriuda citrifolin, and a few areca palms were cultivated. 

The most depressed parts of the ancicut lagoon, where the vegelable hnmua 
washed away frjm the higher ground had collected, hud evidently l)ceQ selected for 
these garden sites, but in one nr two places patches of a reddish clay were noticed 
[ 35 ] 



Ko.24.] 



MAN. 



a907. 



which looked ae if it were of volcanio origiD. The eoral aubatratum was, of course, 

too porous for water to Btaod in the bed of t)te lagoon, but all aloog the coast, 

wherever we lanJetl, springs of water were uoticed coming out of the rocks at aud 

below sea level. 

We were not fortuuate enough to reach any untive settlemeot and, consequently, 

the only commu nitration held with the natives was with fishing parties off the beach. 
They chew the nut of the areca palm with time Id the usual way but apparently 

without the belel pepper, ao that their teeth are not stained. It would seem, therefore, 

that the betel pepper does not occur on Kcnnell. 

The men wear the hair long, about 12 Jnchca, aud frequently bind it with a Hllet 

of bark ulotii eraiucd yellow with lurmeric ; the women wear il short. In this custom 

both aexes follow the fashion of the natives of Lord Howc'a gi-oup and Stewart Island. 

They wear necklacea and ornaments made of the teeth of the flying fox and of the 
vertebrte of fish. The clothing of both 
seses coni^ists of a broad band of folded 
bark cloth, frequently stained a bright yellow 
with turmeric ; the cloth passes round the 
loina and between the legs, and the end is 
tucked in at the wsiat. Stuck in it they 
carry their adzes und oilier small articles. 
With the women it appears to be in 
imminent danger of falling off. 

They use spears about 8 feet long 
tipped with bone, but uot barbed, and I 
secured two small clubs of unusual form, a 
lime box of eoco-unt shell with curiously 
carved stopper, two lime spatnlas, a wooden 
head rest, several Gahing nets, some finely 
plaited mats and bags, necklaces of fox 
t hoop-iron adze, &c. 




1 \ 
aufjuaiui 



I unahlc to find out whetlier they 



ted 



ith the 



I should suspect k 
my 



but I t 



The dead appear to be interred. 
They do not understand the use of 
tobacco, hut are most eager for anything in 
tbo way of knives, ases, firh-hooks, or 
even naiU, in fact metal of any kind. 

In one place, where we met a fishing 
party on the beach, an old lady of moat 
rei*pectable appearunoe was detected in the 
act of walking off with one of tlie iron rowlocks of our boat. The crutch of the 
rowlock was carefully palmed beneath a hiscuit which had l)ecu given her, the shank 
hidden by her wrist. Simultuneoualy a most innocent-looking boy of about twelve 
years of age, accidentally of course, dropped another overboard into 2 feet of water, 
but fortunately it was noticed in time, 

One can ufTord to purdou these poor people for such attempts when it ia taken 
into consideration that a piece of iron in their estimation represents more to them 
thiiu ten times its weight iu gold wonld to na. 

During the expcditiou into (he interior of the island I uoticed a tree which had 
been cnt down to make a small canoe. The operation had evidently been effected 
I 3li ] 



1907.] MAN. [Nos. 24-26. 

with a hoop-iron adze, and it must have been a laborious task ; the trunk was from 
15 to 18 inches in diameter. 1 presume the same course was followed when stone 
or shell adzes were in use and, as I am not aware that any one has ever descril^ed or 
illustrated the method of procedure, I append a sketch showing the method of felling. 
All I was able to j)rocure in the way of language was the following : — 
Numerals. — 1, tasi ; 2, gua ; 3, tolii ; 4, va ; 5, lima ; 6, ono ; 7, vitu ; 8, walu ; 
9, sivo ; 10, katoa. Eye, mata ; ship, vaka ; mouth, gutu ; tooth, niho ; nose, isu ; 
ear, tagina ; hand, tonu ; foot, tapuna ; wood, gau. 

Even these few words will serve to show the Polynesian origin of the Rennell 
islanders. * C. M. WOODFORD. 



Archaeology. Sturge. 

Thin Arrovirheads. By IV, Allen St urge. 4C 

In connection with the arrowhead found at Cannington Park Camp, near fcU 
Bridgwater, Somerset, and figured in Man, 1906, 96, it may be of interest to 
record the fact that in my collection is an arrowhead which in shape, size, and thin- 
ness corresponds almost exactly with this piece. The type with the ogee outline 
is not common, but I have sj)ecimens of this very special type from Gloucester- 
shire, Derbyshire, and the Yorkshire Wolds. The arrowhead I am comparing with 
that recorded by Mr. St. George Gray is one of five which were found in two of the 
stone cists in Ringham Low, Derbyshire, explored by the late Mr. Thomas Bateman 
in 1885, and recorded in Ten Years' Diggings^ p. 95. 

Another of these five arrowheads is of the same shape but considerably larger, 
being perhaps the finest specimen of the variety ever found. It measures 2| inches 
in length by 1 inch in breadth at its widest part. It is extremely thin and weighs 
only 42 grains. 

Two others of the fi\G arrowheads are equally large and equally thin, and of 
the finest possible workmanship ; but they are more definitely kite-shaped and do not 
present the ogee outline. The fifth is smaller and resembles the two first described, 
except that the outline going up to the point is straight instead of incurved. 

Mr. Gray may, I think, take it as certain that all arrowheads of this particular 
variety were pointed at the lower end. There are certain tyi)es with the ogee out- 
line which have rounded bases, but none of these types ore quite comparable with 
the particular typ3 in question. VV. ALLEX STCRGE, 

Wales : Arohseology. Lewis. 

Notes on some Rude Stone Monuments In Qlamor^^anshlre. Q0 

/?// A. L, Lewis^ F.CA. fcO 

Al)out six miles west from Cardift', on a farm called Tinkinswooil, which is in a 
lane l)etween St. Nicholas village and Diiftryn House, there have been several cromlechs 
or dolmens. The largest of these is in a little wood near the farmhouse, and is the 
only one of which any ])arti('ular notice seems to have been taken. It has been 
described under the name of the St. Nicholas cromlech by the Kev. E. L. Barnwell 
in the Journal of the Koyal Archjuological Institute al)OUt twenty years ago, and in 
Lewis's Topographical Dictionary^ where it is stated to be composed of *Marge flat 
" stones nearly 6 feet in height, enclosing an area of 17 feet in length by 13 feet in 
" breadth, u[>on which rests a table 24 feet long and varying in breadth from 17 feet 
" to 10 feet." Mr. Barnwell said the chamber ''is 19 feet long and hardlv 11 feet 
" broad, but, as upon one side of the chamber all the stones have been removed, it 
*' is not easv to decide where the line should be drawn." Since his visit to it the 
chaml>er has been partlv filled with earth, which makes it still more difficult to 

[ 37 ] 



No. 26.] MAN. [1907. 

aBcertaiii the exact measurements ; those abreadj given are, however, sufficiently accurate 
for all practical purposes. There are in the British Museum four models of cromlechs 
made by Mr. R. Tongue in the early part of the last century, on the respectable scale 
of one inch to a foot. Having seen and measured the originals of all of them, I 
am bound to say that the only one of the four which bears any useful resemblance 
to its original is that representing the monument just described under the name of 
the Duffi-yn cromlech, and that is the more valuable because it shows the capstone 
unbroken ; whereas when Mr. Barnwell visited it, the smaller end had been cracked and 
broken off, though still in its place, but slightly sunken, and remains so at the present 
time. Mr. Barnwell thonght this fracture had been caused by the weight of a super- 
hicumbent tumuhis, but, unless Mr. Tongue imported a certain amount of restoration 
into his model, the fracture must have taken place, say, between 1840 and 1880. 
The long axis of this chamber is al)Out east and west, and it was probably a tomb. 
A few feet north-west from it are seventeen blocks of stone piled together in a 
shapeless mass, which are most likely the remains of some other monument. Against 
the fence of the wood are two standing stones from 3 feet to 4 feet high, and in the 
meadow just outside it are two large stones which look like the capstones of a buried 
chamber. In the same meadow there are some other stones which do not look like 
natural outcrops, and in the next one to it are the unmistakeable remains of a fallen 
cromlech, the capstone of which is 9 feet long by 5 feet to 7 feet wide, and still 
rests on one of its supporting stones. 

About a mile to the south of this group there stands in a meadow in the parish of 
St. Lythan's a very fine cromlech or dolmen, consisting of tlu*ee upright stones from 
6 feet to 7 feet high, supporting a heart-shaped capstone, the extreme dimensions of 
which are 12 feet or 13 feet each way. These form a chamber 5 feet wide from 
north to south, and 8 feet or 9 feet long from west to east, the open side being at 
the east ; the stone at the west end has a small hole through it, about a foot from 
the top ; it leans inward, must always have done so, and was probably intended to 
do so. There is some appearance of a slight platform of earth round this monument 
which many would say was the last remain of a tumulus, but which I regard rather 
as a suitable levelling of the somewhat sloping ground. This cromlech has been 
described by the Rev. E. L. Barnwell in the Journal of the Royal Archaaological 
Institute. He maintained that all structiues of this kind were originally used as 
tombs, and covered by a mound of earth or stones. That this was most frequently 
the case I do not doubt, but I think there were exceptions, and that this monument 
may have been one of them ; it is extremely like Kit's Coty House, in Kent, the 
principal diflference being that the end or middle stone is in the middle of the two 
side stones at Kit's Coty House, and at the end of them at St. Lythan's, so that the 
latter is more like a sepulchral chamber than the former ; on the other hand, it is 
wider at the entrance than at the back, whereas the sepulchral chambers are usually 
widest at the furthest end of them. At both St. Lythan\s and Kit's Coty House the 
capstone projects all round, and gives the dolmen an appearance of completeness, such 
as no partially destroyed sepulchral chamber ever presents, and I am inclined to regard 
them lx)th as three-sided shrines or " coves," such as existed at Avebury, Arborlow, 
and Stanton Drew, and perhaps at other places, but with the addition of a capstone. 
There is a somewhat similar shrine, which, however, has more than three 
supporting stones, on the Great Orme, near Llandudno ; it stands at the end of a 
tolerably complete barrow, by which, however, it was evidently never covered nor 
intended to be covered. This little, and in most respects insignificant, monument is, 
I think, of great importance in showing that there certainly were dolmens that were 
never buried, but were intended to be " free-standing." Our colleague, Mr. Walhouse, 
has said that he has seen many little open shrines like this in India, and the Bishop 

[ 38 ] 



1907.] MAN. [Nob. 26-27. 

•of Madras has recently exhibited at the Anthropological Institute photographs of two 

fihrines of village deities in Sonthern India which appear to be practically identical 

in form with the dolmen at St. Lythan's. A. L. LEWIS. 



England : ArohBdology. Warren. 

The Flint Supplies of the Ancient Oornlsh. B^ S, IIazzledi?ie A^ 
Warren, F.G.S. LI 

In reference to the recent articles in Max (1906, 97 ; 1907, 14) under the above 
heading there is one factor which, it seems to me, has an important bearing upon 
the problem. 

At intervals, all round the coast of Cornwall, there are raised beaches under- 
lying the beds of sub-aerial angular debris known as the " head." The material 
composing the " head " is of purely local origin, but the old beaches contain, in 
addition to local material, numerous rolled chalk flints. It is from the erosion of 
these old beaches that the occasioiuil flint pebbles found upon the present beach, and 
referred to by the Rev. II. G. O. Kendall, are derived. 

De la Beche in his Report on the Geology of Cormcall, Devon, and West 
Somerset, published in 1839 (p. 429), suggested that tliese rolled flints in the raised 
beaches might possibly have been brought artificially by man. Hut their wide 
distribution, their quantity, which, in the aggregate, must l)c very great, and their 
entirely unworked state as they are found in the beaches, renders this theory in the 
highest degree improbable. Beyond this, we now know more of the age of these 
de|>osits tlian was known in 1839. The '*head" belongs to the Pleistocene period, 
and probably, in part at least, represents the glacial deposits further to the north 
while the raised beaches are earlier than the " head," and may very well be con- 
temporary with the " pre-glacial " beaches of the South of Ireland and elsewhere. 

Be this as it may, tlie raised beaches of Cornwall which yield the chalk flints are 
clearly Pleistocene, so that if the flint was brought by man it was brought by Palaeolithic 
man and not by Neolithic man. It is not necessary to insist that such a theory would 
be unreasonable and absurd. In fact, should their pre-glacial age be accepteil, they 
would be very much earlier than even Pala?olithic man. 

The most probable hypothesis to account for their presence is, to my mind, that 
suggested by Mr. W. A. E. Ussher in the Geological Magazine for 1879, page 109. 
He suggests that during a period of nuich greater elevation of the land the flints were 
borne westwards along the river valleys under what is now the English Channel, and 
that, as depression set in again, they were drifted upwards by the waves to form the new 
beaches. An alternative suggestion is that the drift of the beach shingle along the 
south coast may formerly have been from east to west, and not, as is now the case, from 
west to east. 

In support of the former theory one may mention a patch of gravel upon the eastern 
promontory of St. Martin's, one of the Scilly Islands, which is chiefly composed of chalk 
flints and (ireensand chert.* This is considered to be a remnant of a gravel deposited 
by a river flowing westward when the English Channel was dry land. In fact, flint is 
capable of withstanding so nuich wear and tear, and is, moreover, practically insoluble, 
that it is no uncommon thing to find it as an *' erratic " in drift deposits far from any 
original source of supply. Thus, to mention two other instances, we find chalk flints in 
considerable (luantities in certain parts of the glacial drift of South Wales,t as also in 
that of the Isle of Man. 

* G. Barrow, The (icologij of the Me* of Si'lUy (^Memoirs of the Oeoloyical Survey of the Vnited 
Kingdom), 1*)0<;, p. 15. 

t J. W. E. David, Quart, Journ. GeoL Soc, Vol. XXXIX., 1883, p. 44. 

[ 39 ] 



Ho. 27.] MAN. 0-907, 

Whatever geological theory to account for its presence we may accept, it is at 
least the fact that Cornwall does furnish a natural source of flint supply almost all 
round its l>orders. It would, of course, need industry to collect this flint along the 
coast, but the conditions are somewhat similar to those found in the Isle of Man. 
There, also, flint does not naturally occur except in the form of erratics in the glacial 
drift, but though comparatively scarce, as it is in Cornwall, it was yet collected by 
prehistoric man and very extensively used for the fabrication of his implements. The 
working sites in the Isle of Man are usually situated near to where the raw material is 
to l>e found.* 

As to the amount of flint contained in the Cornish beaches, I cannot sav that I 
have given this point much attention myself, but Sir Joseph Prestwich,t in his memoir 
on The Raised Beaehes, and Head, of the South of England^ quotes Mr. A. Whitley 
to the effect that the proportion of chalk flint to other rocks is as 2:41 (or nearly 
5 per cent.) in the raised l>each near St. Ives. Thus the amount of raw material 
available was by no means inconsiderable ; while it must further be remembered that 
these old beaches are undergoing erosion at the present time, and so must have been 
more extensive in the days of prehistoric man than they are to-day. This efiect would 
also be enhanced by the depression of the land which has taken place since Neolithic 
times. 

The next question to be considered is this : Is the flint that was used by prehistoric 
man in Cornwall of such a character that it might have been obtained from the old 
l>eaches ? In many cases, at least, I think that this can be unhesitatingly answered in 
the affirmative. 

The Rev. H. G. O. Kendall in his paper in Man (1906, 97) speaks of the number 
of small flint pebbles, smooth and water-worn, found upon the site of the coast settle- 
ments, evidently brought there ready for use. There can be no doubt that these were 
collected from the local beaches, where such pebbles may l>e found. But that this is 
universally so I should be very sorry to assert, each case must be judged upon its own 
merits. I do not know the Dozmare flints referred to by Mr. A. L. Lewis ; it is chiefly 
on the north coast of Cornwall that I have collected. 

At one place, in particular, near Newquay, I found a considerable number of worked 
flints a few years ago. The site on which they were found was rather an interesting 
one ; it was nothing but a barren, narrow ledge of rocks jutting out into the sea, and 
yet I have seldom seen a greater number of worked flints upon so small a space. I could 
not conceive of any purpose for which prehistoric man should occupy it, except that 
of fishing from the rocks into the sea. Among the flints found here there were a few 
well-formed flakes of small size, but the greater part of the material consisted of the 
debris of fabrication — cores and chips, a large number of the latter being of minute size. 
It was evidently the actual working site to which the raw material had been brought 
for fabrication. The cores and many of the larger flakes, which had some of the outer 
crust of the flint upon them, showed that the raw material had consisted simply of the 
rollcMl flint peb])Ies of the raised beach. A certain proportion of the implements, how- 
ever, were nuule not of flint, but of Greensand chert, and this material, I have no doubt, 
came equally from the old beaches. 

The same also appeared to be the case elsewhere on the coast. This flint that 
seems to me to be of obviously local origin is usually white to grey in colour and much 
rolled by the sea. Further inland — and further from the local source of supply — we get, 
as mentioned by Mr. Kendall, a larger proportion of black flint which still retains its 
original outer crust. It is very probable that this may be imported, though perhaps at 
least partially in the worked state. 

* P. M. C. Kcrmotle and W. A. Hcrdman, lllujttrated NoIm on Manjr A iitiqu'ttiei. Liverpool, 1904 , p. 26 
t Quart. Journ. Oeol, Sfc,, Vol. XLVIII., 1892, p. 281. 

[ 40 ] 



1907.] MAN. [No8. 27-29. 

What WO want is a collection of all the varieties of flint found in the raised beaches 
— then we shall know whether the black flint with apparently unrolled crust is, or is not» 
import^. I have never had any intention of writing upon this subject, or I should have 
endeavoured to have obtained that information before doing so, for that, it seems to me, 
is where the solution of the problem must be sought. We must, however, even here, 
in the light of the flint and chert gravel of the island of St. Martin's described by 
Mr. G. Barrow, bear in mind the possibility of there having been formerly other deposits 
of flinty gravel in Cornwall — jwssibly composed of less waterworn material — than those 
that are accessible to us to-dav.» S. IIAZZLEDINE WARREN. 



Australia . Hartland. 

Nfl^umba and Euahlayl. By E. Sidney Hartland, F.S.A. All 

Mr. Andrew Lang calls my attention to the resemblance, which had escaped fcO 
me when I wrote the notice of Mr. Mathews's Ethnological Notes (Man, 1906, 99), 
between the " active blood " and the " sluggish blood " of the Ngeumba, and the 
light-blooded and dark-blooded divisions of the Euahlayi, as described by Mrs. Parker. 
On referring to The Euahlayi Tribe, p. 11, I see that the native names for these 
divisions are the same in the two tril>es, only slightly disguised by a difi'erence of 
spelling. Mrs. Parker, however, calls these divisions phratries, and represents them 
as being the primary exogamous divisions ; while Mr. Mathews applies that description 
to two other division? of the Ngeumba called by him, Ngurrawun and Mumbuu. 
Further investigation is needed on the matrimonial divisions of both the Ngeumba 
and Euahlayi, who appear to be in fact two tribes of one and the same *' nation.'' 

E. SIDNEY HARTLAND. 

India, South. - Keane. 

The Cochin Tribes and Castes. By A. H. Kcanc, LL,D. AQ 

All students of primitive man will 1>e glad to know that the last Census £u 
Report (1901) for the State of Cochin is now being supplemented by an exhaustive 
ethnological survey of the whole field by Mr. L. A. Krishna Jyer. This enthusiastic 
anthropologist, who is a local correspondent of the Institute, has already issued as many 
as ten special monographs which lx?ar an official character and have been printed at 
the Government Press, Ernakulam (1901-06). In its general character the series 
corresponds somewhat to the well-known and highly-prized ethnographic Bulletins^ 
published by the Mtidras (iovernment Press under the superintendence of Mr. Edgar 
Thurston, except that the somatic features are not quite so fully treated. This 
drawback, however, will eventually be rectified as soon as Mr. Iyer has procured the 
appliances required for taking cranial and other anatomical measurements. 

Meanwhile the work already carried out is in all other respects of a high order 
and the memoirs dealing, for instance, with the social status and religious notions of 
the Paravas, Malavars, Eravallers, ami Izhuvas mav be described as models of their 
kind. When completed, the series, taken jointly with the Madras bulletins and 
Mr. Rivers' notable volume on the Tcxlas of the Nilgiri plateau, will present a very 
thorough picture of the large southern section of the uncultured Dravidian aborigines. 
Of special value is the memoir devoted to the Izhuvas who under divers names 
(Illavars, Tiyyas, Shanars, Billavas, Chovas, &q,) are widespread in Cochin, Malabar^ 
and Travancore. Although their hereditary occupations as a caste are the cultivation 
of the coconut tree, toddy drawing, and arrak distilling, they have military traditions on 
the strength of which some even claim kinship with the warrior Kshatriya caste. But 
the interest centres chiefly in their religious beliefs and magic arts. The theory has 
lately been advanced that religion and magic belong to two different orders of thought ; 

* Some alinojt uiiabraded flint ntxlulcs from the Scilly Islands may be seen in a case, recently 
arranged to illustrate the geologj' of that district, in the Museum of rractical Cieologj', Jermyn Street, 
London. See aUo R. Rei<l, Quart. Journ. GeoL Soc, Vol. LX., 1904, p. 113. 

[ 41 ] 



«4 
44 

44 
44 



44 
4( 



Ko. 29.] MAN. [1907. 

but here it is seen that " religion is saturated with magic " (S. Hartland), and that it 
is only in their later developments the one becomes separated from the other. 

Their religious system presents a curious intermingling of lower and higher forms, 
of a crude animism on which have been grafted some of the later Hindu deities, such 
as Kali, whom the Jzhuvas call Agorasakti^ " Queen of Demons," thereby indicating 
that all is based on an all-pervading demonology. Mantras (spells) are recited, the 
figures of demons are drawn, songs are sung in praise of Kali, and elaborate magical 
rites are performed for devil-driving, and especially for exorcising the possessed. The 
elaborate processes gone through by the magicians for this purpose are here described 
at first hand, and several of the spells and incantations are given in the original 
Malayalam language, which is spoken by nearly all the Cochin natives and is Mr. 
Iyer's mother-tongue. Kali, he tells us, " is represented as wearing on her head a fiery 
snake encircled by serpents ; Siva's signs are also marked on her forehead. Lion 
fangs protrude from her mouth, and she possesses ten hands, two of which are clasped 
together and two empty, while three on the right side carry respectively a rope, 
a parrot, and a spear, and three on the left side a drum with a snake, fire, and trident " 
(p. 39). Most of the Izhuvas are Sivaites, and stand rather high in the social scale, 
over sixty-two per cent, of the men being able to read and write. 

Far different is the social status of the hill tril)es and prjedial serfs, such as the 
Chermars, Polayers, Vaiduns, Colanders, and Nayadis, of whom we have an excellent 
general survey, and accurate detailed descriptions, in some cases for the first time. " A 
" few wild, inoffensive mountaineers share amongst them the whole of the hilly parts. 
" Infiuenced by all the prejudices of caste, they are divided into several distinct tribes 
who have little intercourse with each other, but their character is similar, or only 
distinguished by minute shades ; it partakes of the rude wilderness of their hills, but 
" is in no instance ferocious. Though living in clans they know little of that union 
" and attachment that belong to such associations. Their mode of life is everywhere 
** the same, subsistence being chiefly derived from the spontaneous produce of the 
wilderness through which they roam ; the spoils of the chase yield a precarious addi- 
tion, and the collection of the hill products affords the means of obtaining the few 
*' coarse luxuries suitable to their taste." Those adscripti gleb(B are collectively known 
as Sherramukkul^ " Children of shivery," and this still numerous class is shunned as if 
plague-stricken. The higher castes resent their presence, and even towns and market 
places would be considered defiled by their approach. Their market vahie is not much 
higher than that of their cattle, and in earlier times they might be killed with 
impunity, deeds of transfer containing the clause, " You may sell or kill him or her." 
The Polayer women are rarely transferred, but usually, so to say, hired out in usufruct, 
while the carrion-eating Parayas are so vile as to cause instant contamination by their 
mere contact. The dailv life of the Vaidun and Colander woodcutters is stated to be 
*' indescribably miserable." Yet even they are better off than the Nayadis, lowest of 
the low, who are confined to the low hills of North Cochin, are barred from approaching 
the towns an<l villages, live in rock shelters and go about nearly naked in quest of 
the edible roots forming their chief diet. The dark colour, restless glance, and shaggy 
hair of the Colanders, whose costume is a verdant fringe of foliage strung round the 
loins, give them a wild, savage look, although really a very gentle, timid people. Most 
of these aborigines are of the normal Hindu type. But the Kadir hillmen, like the 
Paniyans, described in The Living Races of Mankind (Vol. I., p. 312), present distinct 
negroid features with flat nose, very dark complexion, curly hair, and large white 
serrated teeth. This tenils to support the view now gaining ground that a negro or 
ncgrito element formed the substratum of the populations of Southern India, which 
is now almost exclusively inhabited by Dravidians and Kolarians from Central Asia. 

_^ A. H. KEANE 

[ 42"] 



44 
44 



1907.] MAN. [Nos. 30-3t 

Africa: Folklore. Lang. 

stone-built Towns In Bantu Folk-Tales. By Andrew Lang. Qll 

Mr. Ejles appears to be unacquainted with Hantu folk-tales about " stone UO 
" edifices and their builders" (Man, 1907. 7). He will find a Bantu tale of a town 
with stone houses in my Orange Fairy Rook, "The Magic Mirror" (pp. 16-23, 
1906). The story is one of several, translated from the Senna language, in 
Rhodesia, by Mr. Fairbridge, who is at present in England, and may be able to 
report other instances. But such details in Bantu Mdrchen may be recent additions, 
or, for what I know, all Bantu Mdrchen containing notice of stone houses may be 
post-European. ANDREW LANG. 



REVIEWS. 
Madagascar. Ferrand. 

1. Un texie arabico-malgache du XVI* siecle (ranscrit, traduit et annoti QJ 
d^apres les MSS, 7 et 8 de la Bihliotheque Nationale. Par M. Gabriel Ferrand, 01 
Consul de France. [Tire des Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits de la Bibliotheque 
Nationales et autres Biblioth^ques, Tome XXXVJII.] Paris, 1904. Price o fr. 

2. Les migrations musul manes et juives a Madagascar. Par G. Ferrand. [Revue 
de rilistoire des Religions. Paris, 1905.] 

3. £tienne de Flacourt. Dictionnaire de la langue de Madagascar d^apres 
V edition de 1658 et VHistoire de la grande tie Madagascar de 1661, Par Gabriel 
Ferrand. [Publications de I'Ecole des Lettres d'Alger. Bulletin de Correspondance 
Africaine, Tome XXXIII.] Paris, 1905. Pp. xxxix + 296. 

4. Trois etymologies arahico-malgaches. Par M. Gabriel Ferrand. [Memoires de 
la Societe de Liuguistique de Paris, Tome XIII.] Paris, 1905. 

5. Un chapitre (VAstrologie arabico-malgache. Par M. Gabriel Ferrand. [Journal 
Aeiatique, Septembre-Octobre, 1905.] Paris. 

6. Le Dieu malgache Zanahari, [T'oung-pao, Serie II., Vol. VII., No. 1.] 
Leiden, 1906. 

In these publications M. Ferrand deals with some of the documentary evidence 
which illustrates Arab influence in Madagascar at or before the period when 
Europeans first became acquainted with the island. The author has qualified himself 
for his task by an official residence of several years in Madagascar, much of his time 
being spent on the south-eastern coast of the island in the very district which was 
not only that best known to the early voyagers and missionaries, but was also that 
in which Musulman influence made the most marked influence on Malagasy customs 
and religion. 

The first treatise is a transcription, with translations and notes, of portions of 
Arabic-Malagasy texts contained in the National Library in Paris. The MS. 7 
has its date approximately fixed by a partial translation into Latin, which is written 
in French handwriting of the period 1595-1620. It is thus the oldest known 
written document in the Malagasy language, and M. Ferrand suggests that it was 
probably brought into Europe by Portuguese or Dutch voyagers who had relations 
with the natives of south-eastern Madagascar at the beginning of the sixteenth 
century. The writer was apparently a Malagasy half-caste with a very imperfect 
knowledge of Arabic. 

The MS. 8 is an Arabic text with a Malagasy translation in Arabic characters, 
portions of which duplicate certain parts of MS. 7, and hence form a valuable aid 
to its elucidation. 

[ 43 ] 



No. 31.] MAN. [1907. 

M. Ferraiid publishes the Malagasy text of eighteen folio3 of MS. 7 iu Arabic 
characters with transliteration, translation, and copious notes. The subjects, con- 
sisting of nine pieces, are principally Mohammedan invocations, and recitals regarding 
rewards and punishments, heaven and hell, the omnipotence of God, and a litany. 
There are also two vocabularies of Arabic with Malagasy equivalents. The value 
of this portion of the document is a purely literary one, as it shows words and 
phrases in the south-eastern dialect of Madagascar in the earliest known form. 

The treatise on Musulman and Jewish migrations is based on a portion of the 
MS. 8, not translated in the first treatise named above. This portion consists of a 
prayer written by a Malagasy in extremely faulty Arabic. Although not a line is 
correctly written, and some words are absolutely unrecognisable, the names contained 
in the fragment are of extreme interest. Among tbem is that of the Khalif Abu 
A^mad Abdallah al-Mosta' sim billah, the last Abbaside Khalif of Baghdad, who 
reigned from a.d. 1242 to 1255. M. Ferrand regards this mention of Al-Mosta* sim 
billah in a prayer recited by Islamised Malagasy as an indication that they were 
descended from Sunnite Musulmans who had left Baghdad during the reign of that 
Khalif and in their prayers still remembered the name of him who had been 
the sovereign of their ancestors. M. Ferrand's conclusion that an Arab migration 
to Madagascar took place in the thirteenth century is supported by the statement 
of the Portuguese Luis Marianno, who visited the south-east coast in 1613. 
Marianno obtained from the king Andriantsiambi an account of his ancestors who 
had arrived in the island seventeen generations before. Reckoning twenty one years 
to a Malagasy generation this gives a date which is approximately that of the Khalif 
Al-Mosta^ sim. Andriantsiambi and his people called themselves Solimas (the 
modern Malagasy silamu^ i,c., Islam). They observed Mohammedan customs, used 
the Arabic characters, and read the Koran in Arabic. 

In an account given by Flacourt of the Zafin-d Ramini (descendants of Ramini) 
M. Ferrand points out that those who governed in the Province of Anosi were said 
to be descended from an Arab Ramini, who had left Mecca and gone to a land in 
the east called Mangadsini or Mangaroro, whence his son, Ra Hadzi, reached the 
island of Madagascar. M. Ferrand gives reasons for supposing an error of one 
hundred years in Flacourt's date of the arrival of the Zafin-d Ramini, making it thus 
correspond with the statement of Marianno, and the reign of the Khalif Al-Mosta* ^im. 

Although most of the MS. 8 was written either in Arabic or in Malagasi, some 
pages were found to be in Persian, undated, and faulty both in composition and 
script. This, when translated by M. Huart for M. Ferrand, proved to be a Musul- 
man prayer, concluding with au appeal for mercy through various prophets, kings, 
and angels. Among them are the names of some of the first Chiite imams of the 
dynasty called the " Twelve imams," who reigned from a.d. 661 to 818. M. Ferrand 
draws two conclurjions from this text : first, that the writer was an orthodox Chiite, and 
not a member of the schismatic sects founded in a.d. 695 or 765, and secondly, as the 
imams are not named beyond the eighth, *Ali-ar-Rida, that this Persian migration 
must have taken place during his reign or between a.d. 800 and 818. No other 
documentary evidence of a Persian migration to Madagascar is known to exist, 
although Gevrey, in his essay on the Comoro Islands, refers to a migration from 
Chiraz to East Africa, the Comoros, and Madagascar about a.d. 934. This writer 
also states that a second migration took place from Chiraz in seven parties. Six 
of these located themselves at various places in Eastern Africa and the Comoros, 
but the seventh established itself at Boucni on the north-west coast of Madagascar 
about a.d. 1506. This date corresponds to that of the Zafin-d Ramini, whom 
Flacourt stated to have come from Mecca, and could not thus have been Persian 
Chiitos. 

[ 44 ] 



1907.] MAN. [No8. 31-32. 

The third section of M. Ferrand's essay deals with a supposed Jewish immigration 
into the lie de 8te. Marie and Madagascar. These emigrants were the ZafPe-Hibraham 
(race of Abraham) of Flacourt. His description of them is quoted by M. Ferrand 
They were ignorant of Christ and Mahomet, but recognised Noah, Abraham, Moses, 
and David ; they practised circumcision, observed Saturday as a day of rest, neither 
prayed nor fasted, but offered sacrifices of oxen, kids, and fowls. Similar observa- 
tions were made by F. Martin, who visited the lie Ste. Marie thirteen years after 
Flacourt. From a consideration of the statements regarding these so-called Jews, 
who knew not Yahveh, called unbelievers Kafiri, and named themselves and their 
island from Ibrahim, the Arabic form of the name Abraham, M. Ferrand concludes 
that they were not Jews but Mohammedans. 

M. Ferrand's third publication is a reprint of the rare Malagasi dictionary, 
published under the name of Flacourt in 1658. This showed the dialect of South- 
eastern Madagascar. M. Ferrand has enlarged the list of words from the contemporaneous 
Petite Catechisme, He has also added an introduction, and given the equivalents 
in the modern dialect of the same district, with numerous references to the Merina, 
Arabic, and Suaheli. It should prove exceedingly useful to students of the Malagasy 
language. 

In the Trois etymologies M. Ferrand discusses the derivation and history of 
the names of the island '* Madagascar, Madagasi, Malagasi,*' of the province 
" Androbaizaha,'' and of the tribe " Undzatsi." The Chapitre (VAstrologie consists 
of a transcription, with translation and notes, of a portion of the MS. 8 already 
referred to, which deals with astrology as understood and practised by the Islamised 
Malagasy. The work is of interest both philologically from its antique Malagasy, 
and from its Arabic connection. 

The last of M. Ferrand's treatises here noticed is a learned discussion on the 
meaning of the word, " Zanahari,^^ This word, which is used generally in Malagasy 
to signify the Creator, is usually regarded as a derivative of the word nahari^ the 
past tense of niahari, to be able to create. M. Ferrand shows that the existence 
of a prefix za is merely a supposition of some of the Malagasy lexicographers. 
From an analytical examination of early examples of Malagasy in Arabic script, 
he shows that when the Arabic script was introduced into Madagascar, the sounds 
z, cfz, and is did not exist in the Malagasy language, but were represented by 
y, rf/, and /. Hence Zana-hari^ in Malagasy coast dialects Zanga-hari, was anciently 
Yaiiga-hari, and represented the Malay Yang-hari, i.e., Vaiig^ divinity, and hari^ 
heaven. Although there is no evidence of a Malay divinity called Yang-hari, the 
closely-related Tiams of the Peninsulary have a god Yang-harei. M. Ferrand 
concludes that there is thus evidence of the name of the god Zanahari having been 
introduced into Madagascar from the Malay region. The evidence for the date of 
the introduction he proposes to deal with in another treatise. 

M. Ferrand's work appears to have been well done, his etymologies are well 
reasoned, and his references fully given. These treatises will be of real value to 
the student of Malagasy language and literature. SIDNEY H. RAY. 



Malay. Wilkinson. 

The Peninsular Malays — I. Malay Beliefs, By R. J. Wilkinson, of the Civil QA 
Service of the Federated Malay States. London (Luzac) ; Leiden (late E. J. UCi 
Brill), 1906. Pp. 81. 25 x 16 cm. 

Mr. R. J. Wilkinson is known to Orientalists as the composer of the best and most 
recent dictionary of the Malay language. In the present little book of eighty-one pages 
he endeavours to render the Malay mind and point of view intelligible to the ordinarv 

[ 45 ] 



No. 32.] MAN. [1907. 

European reader. The Malays are Miihammadans, and the book opens with a very 
judicial and hicid exposition (based mainly on Snouck Hurgronje's The Achehnese) of 
the characteristics of Islam, as represented in the Malay Peninsula and the Eastern 
Archipelago. On the whole the author's estimate is favourable, and there can be 
no doubt that in many parts of this region Islam has acted as a civilising agency, 
putting an end to such horrors as cannibalism, human sacrifice, and widow-burning. 
But it has not been an unmixed good, for it has fostered intolerance, slave-raiding, and 
piracy (which were justified as "holy war " when the victims were infidels), and it has 
probably increased the absolutism of the chiefs and certainly lowered the position of 
women. 

Behind the official Muhammadanism of the Malays there are, however, relics of 
other beliefs, the survivals of the religions they formerly professed. The Malay 
sorcerer's Pantheon includes the great gods of Hinduism, Brahma, Vishnu, and espe- 
cially Siva, and, going still further back into the unrecorded past of the race, a medley of 
Nature-spirits, probably of genuine native origin, which, either under their own names 
or local descriptions (for as often as not they are nameless), or more frequently, perhaps, 
masquerading as orthodox Muhammadan archangels or prophets, play a great part in 
Malay incantations. The chapter dealing with this subject (though based to a great 
extent on Skeat's Malay Magic) is a useful contribution to our knowledge of these 
matters, because it puts them in a new light and suggests some interesting points for 
enquiry. For instance, Mr. Wilkinson is of opinion that the early Indonesians did not 
believe in the immortality of the souls of people who died a natural death in old age but 
only feared the vengeful wraiths of persons and things cut off untimely. He regards 
the black genie of the earth (surely rather a cosmopolitan object of adoration) as 
having been derived by the Malays from the aboriginal inhabitants of the Peninsula, 
but gives no reasons in support of this view, nor does he indicate from which of the 
three distinct races of aborigines he believes it to have been borrowed. Is the earth 
genie unknown in Sumatra, the homeland of the Malays ? 

Another interesting chapter deals (amongst other things) with the animistic 
conception of the universe, which is at the base of all this mythology. All things, 
according to this primitive theory, are animated by a vital principle known to the 
Malays under the name of stmangat. This is illustrated most clearly, perhaps, in 
the ritual connected with rice cultivation ; the rice has to be sown, planted out, and 
reaped with due regard to the fact that it possesses a principle of life which must 
be respected. It is not a mere material thing, a parcel of hydrocarbons, for there is 
an immaterial essence immanent within it. 

There is much other matter in this little book which it would take up too much 
space to discuss here. More frequent references to the author's sources would have 
added to the utility of the work, which aims, however, only at being an elementary 
introduction to the subjects of which it treats. It is intended to be the first of a 
series of text-books to be used by junior members of the local Civil Service in 
studying the manners and customs of the people of the Malay Peninsula. The other 
pamphlets of the projected series are to deal with Malay literature, Malay life and 
customs, Malay government and law, Malay history, and Malay industries. If this 
excellent plan is duly carried out, the author will have rendered a great service to 
the students of Malay subjects ; and his devotion to their cause deserves the more 
hearty recognition, inasmuch as it is not by work of this kind, eminently useful 
though it is, that official promotion is achieved. A strict adherence to red tape is 
a far more effective means to that end, for serious study of native life receives but 
little encouragement from the powers that be, some of whom are credited (rightly or 
wrongly) with looking upon the Malay as a useless cumberer of the ground, who 
ought to make wav for the more energetic Chinese and Indian. Let us hope that 

[ 46 ] 



1907.] MAN. [Nob. 32-33. 

by reading this little book they raay be led to regard the people they have been 
calleil upon to govern as ^K)Inething more than mere revenue-producing organisms, and 
rather as men with ideas to be studied, prejudices to l)e conciliated, and sympathies 
to be won. Then, perhaps, they may realise that when one has put down a ruling 
race from its former position of turbulent independence it is not enough to offer it 
merely material compensations, such as railways, telegraphs, and the like, if we would 
retain its affection and gain its support for a new system of government. 

C. O. BLAGDEN. 



Africa : Congo. Mus^e du Congo. 

Notes Analytiques sur les Collections Ethnographiques du Musee du Congo, QQ 
Tonie l^.Fasc. 11^ La Religion, Brussels : Publiees par la Direction du Musee, 9^ 
1906. Pp. U5-316. PL xxii-lxii. 37 x 27 cm. 

The second part of the first volume of Notes Analytiques sur les Collections 
Ethnographiques du Musee du Congo^ dealing with religion, is as handsome a publica- 
tion as its predecessor. Containing forty magnificent plates from photographs, well 
printed, and with a wide margin, it is a production on which the Tervueren* Museum 
may well be congratulated. 

The accompanying letterpress is an excellent sketch in broad outline of the beliefs 
and rites current throughout the Congo Free State, and contains much information on 
the subject of burial, initiation, and other ceremonies. It is true that the expert will 
wish that the author had entered a little more into particulars relative to tribes, 
localities, and the like, but it is by no means improbable that exact information of this 
nature does not exist, and furthermore that the question of space had to be considered. 
The first and longest chapter is devoted to this general survey, and is divided into 
sections on the Supreme Being and spirits, beliefs and rites, magicians, burial ceremonies, 
human sacrifice, and secret societies, the author remarking on the difficulty of estimating 
the extent to which Islam on the north and Christianity on the south and south-west 
have influenced the original beliefs of the inhabitants. In most places is found the 
belief in a vague all-powerful being called variously Mzambi, Mukongo, Mikundu, 
Mukula, Mlizi, &c., but since this being is beneficent, or at least neutral, he is dis- 
regarded, and the attention of the natives is concentrated on the propitiation and 
coercion of the innumerable minor *' spirits " of all kinds who are always watching for 
an opportunity to do them a mischief. Closely connected with this belief is the 
observance of elaborate funeral rites, either to placate the disembodied spirit or to 
ensure against its being regarded as a personage of no consideration iu the other world. 
The continuity which exists for the African between life in this world and the next, 
and the intimate relations existing between the living and the dead is well brought out 
in the account of this subject. An interesting point emphasized by the author is the 
following, viz., that the elaborate mourning ceremonies found among so many tribes 
have their origin, not so much in grief for the departed, as ni the fear of the super- 
natural. Grief there may be, it is true, but the painting, the rites and so forth, are 
essentially propitiatory or prophylactic. 

In regard to the subject of secret societies the author has practically nothing to 
add to the very scanty information already published concerning them ; but he 
remarks that, in the interior of the continent, these societies seem to be something 
more than mere schools for magicians. 

In the second chapter the author gives a classification of the objects catalogued in 
the book. As will be seen, it is purely arbitrary, though it serves its purpose well 
enough. There are three main classes : (1) amulets, (2) fetishes, and (3) apparatus 
belonging to a magician. 

[ 47 ] 



Nob. 33-34.] MAN. [1907. 

The distinction between the first and second is ahnost purely formal ; the second 
class embracing figures of animate l)eings ; the first, " les formes inanimees du talisman ; 
** produits vegetaux, ossements et debris animaux, objets fabriques, a.^semblages, 
** mixtures medicamen tenses, <S:c." The third class includes any of the above which 
are accompanied by sufficiently precise information to warrant their inclusion, as well 
as masks, costumes, &c. 

As said above, the difference between the first two classes is almost purely formal, 
though a further distinction may exist in the fact that offerings are occasionally made 
to " fetishes," but never to *' amulets," and that the former occasionally — though rarely 
— exercise a more collective power of protection. The distribution of the two classes 
seems to vary inversely ; e,g,^ judging by the collection here illustrated, in the districts 
respectively of the Coast, Cataracts, Stanley Pool, Kwango, Lake Leopold, and Kasai, 
*' fetishes " are common and " amulets " rare ; in the districts respectively of the 
Aniwimi, Upper Ubangi, and Welle, the reverse is the case ; in the eastern region 
the two appear in practically equal numbers ; the districts of Bangala and the Equator 
are \ioov\y rej)resented as regards either class. This variation in distribution is 
interesting in so far as it would seem to correspond fairly well with the varieties of 
culture. For instance, " fetishes " appear to be most numerous where the bow is the 
chief weapon and palm-cloth the principal clothing ; " amulets " are grouped similarly 
with the spear, and skin- or bark-clothing. 

The work will be found of real value to all students of African religion, and the 
price at whi(;h it is published is small, out of all proportion to its merit and the 
quality an<l quantity of its illustrations. T. A. J. 



India. HaveU. 

BettareSy the Sacred City: Sketches of Hindu Life and Religion, By E. B. Q J 
Ilavell, Principal of the Government School of Art, Calcutta. London : Blackie UnP 
<fc Co., 1905. Pp. xiii-f 226. 23 x 16 cm. Price 125. 6rf. 

This book may be best described as a glorified handbook of the sacred city of the 
Hindus. It is pleasantly and gracefully written and admirably illustrated. The author, 
however, has devoted about a quarter of the book to a survey of Hinduism, from the 
Vedas and the Epics to the rise of Buddhism and Jainism and the religion as we 
now observe it at one of its most holy places. Though this review is based on good 
authorities and useful so far as it goes, Mr. Havell has, I venture to think, made a 
mistake in devoting space to a subject on which he does not pretend to write as an 
expert. It would have been much more to the purpose if he had devoted these pages 
to a full description of the recent excavations on the site of the Buddhist city of 
Sarnath, of which we know little save from Cunninghanrs reports. 

The value of the book, then, lies in its artistic and aesthetic side. Mr. Havell is 
at his best in his picture of the crowds of bathers on the Ghats. " Here the student 
" may read a living commentary, more convincing than any record ever wTitten, 
*' painted, or sculptured, of the life of ancient Egypt, Babylon, Nineveh, and Greece. 
'* Here the artist may see before him in the flesh the models of classic sculptors and 
painters, which might have served for the Panathenaic frieze, the statuettes of 
Tanagra, and the frescoes of Pompeii." The temples and their myriad idols, the 
crowds of bathers, the procession round the sacred Panchkosi road, the scenes at the 
Burning (ihat, are all well described. But to a serious student the book will serve 
only as an artistic supplement to the Sacred City of Mr. Sherring, a work which though 
obsolete in many details, was written by a student of the literature of the Hindus, who 
iluring a long missionary career devoted himself to the observation of Benares and its 
people. W. CKOOKE. 

Printe<l by Kyrb and Spottiswoode, His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, E.G. 



4( 



1907.1 



[No. 36. 



35 



ORIQINAL ARTICLES, 
Aft-ica. South. "With Plate D. Hartland 

Notes on some South African Tribes, liy E. Sie/iift/ Ilnrflnitd, F.S. 

WIkjfi llio liri(i-li As;^wi;jfio.i mut iit Soiitli Africa in' 1905 specinieus 
sevcrul Riiciiu triliuK were kijidly brought Kipi-dn 
meiit of RiioileKia for aiirlirn]Kila^ipal stiuly. Ti] 
few measurenienlB ami phologrHpbn, Tlio MUn 
ami ihe nfcompaiiyiiig platP is From ^holograph 

Bnloka. — A Irihu iiiliabiting the high plntei 
iiorth-earit of the Falln. Colour, black. This tribe iloee tiot priici 

Maaubia. — A riverain tribe iiiliabititig the eoimtry between 



HI the Victoria Falls by the Govorn- 
! waa short, uiiil only wimitteil of a 
Mg is a list of the tribew repreeeated, 
taken by Miss Hartlatiil : — 
npprnxitnaiely 100 inile.4 uorth and 
i mime is ion. 
Lower Chohe 



Colour, brown. 

* pnre) dwelling ^ 



poriio 



anil Ziiral«si Rivers (Ge 

Aiiyoiii. — All offshoot of Ziilna (by 
of Lake Nyassa. 

Bambitkushii. — A iribe inhahithig the middle 
(Portnjruese and German territory). 

Mnttkoya. — A trilte 250 miles north-we»l of the Falla. 

Batulela. — A trilie dwelling to the south of the MJiiikoya, lietween Ibcm and 
the Maehili River. They are noted ironworker*, making all the hoes and axes for 
the neighlMmring tribes. 

Hiimathe. — A tribe living on the Kwatido (Portngnese territory), 

Mankwongwa. — A word meaning ^^orcfi/yier. They were originally slaves, or 

jmnilgrunis into the Barotse territory, 

and are therefore uf nneertain, probably 
mixed, deseent. They live on tho 
central portion of that Luona River 
which runs into the Zaniljcsi elose m 
Leahii. (Lueua is a common name fi 

Bamaknma. — A tribe living on tin 
Kongo, otherwise called the Makonm 
River (^ForHigiicse territory). 

BaroUe. — CJreumciaiou is not a 
Barotse custom. bsm.uoih. m.^kwoscwa. 

Halotiga.—A- tribe living on ihe '"■ ■ 

Zambesi, l>etwcen the confluence with the Chobe and ibui witii fbe Kadii. They 
do not practise circumcision. Tbey were said to he distini;t from the Batoka, tlmugli 
the name is the same with only a dialectal difference. 

We were indebted to Mr. R, T. Corvndon, Administrator of North-Wes( Rhodesia, 
and Mr. F. C. Maeaulay, District Commissioner, for the ideiiti Heal ion of these tribes 
and much other assistance. 

A few other miscellaneous notes, which may be of interest, follow. 

On the 3l3t August we visited the museum at Pretoria. Considering the 
opporiuniiicB for the collection of ethnographic material, ail the museums in South 
Africa are remarkably poor in objects illustrative of native culture. That at Pretoria 
ia the best I saw. Among other things it contains u wooden image of a crocodile, 
six or eight feet long, said tn have belonged to Malabocb, a reliel cbief in the north 
ol the Transvaal killed by the Boers some ton or twelve years ago. It was found 
in the river after the conquest of bis tribe. With it is n wooden spoon about 
two feet long, with a crocodile carved ni full relief on the handle. These are said 



I bo representatio 



of Mnluboch'f 



lot em. 

t ' 



I contains some wooden 



Othe Hpaco i^ 
))ett cr than 
kind and coi 
attention of 



No. 36.] MAN. [1907. 

fi|<nrc?», Haid to have l>een iwetl hy women who are liarren. Thej are reported to 
play with them and niirwe tiiem. " Thej think," the curator told lis, *'*' that if they 
play with them they may ohtain children." The custom, of course, is well kuown^ 
hut the dollH ttcemed of an unusual kind for the purpose. One of them, for instance^ 
wa« the carving of a full-grown man wearing the chaplet which is only accorded to 
warriorH and diHtinguinhcd men after attaining a certain age. The figures, which 
were ahont a foot high, more or Ichh, are labelled as belonging to the Magwamba. The 
Kev. K. GottHchling, of the Berlin Mission at Botshabelo, who was present, ^^uggested to 
mo that tli(!y were probably used at the puberty ceremonies, as among the Bawenda. 

Two days later I vi.sited the Bloemfontein Museum, and saw there an elaborate 
doll nmdo of seedn and beads, said to be carried by a childless woman of a tribe 
unHpe(;ili<;<l in the Transvaal. The same museum also contains some small objects of 
stone of apj»roximately the nize and shape fhown in Fig. 2, said to be of Bushman 
origin, and inserted in the labia minora as a guarantee of virginity, and to be taken off 
at nmrriage and given to the bridegroom (or taken off by the bridegroom ?). Dr. Exton^ 
the former curator, told Dr. Kellner, the present curator, that they were obtained from 
SmithHeid (xcd f/fi,), 

Th(i Bloemfcmtein Museum is in a bad state. Many of the objects are moth-eaten 
and falling to pieces. They are badly classified, badly cased, badly labelled, or not 
labelled at all. The building is most unsuitable, though historically interesting, and 

the space is insufficient. Yet I understand that things are much 
o| /^^\ ^>t'^<cr than they were, and that the present curator, who was most 

courteous, is doing his best under great difficulties. The 
the Government is urgently required. 
Bushmen. — I had the pleasure of travelling a few days later 
with Dr. Kannemeyer, of Smithfield, a gentleman who was bom in 
Cape Colony, by descent, on the father's side German, on the 
mother's side French, both families having been colonists for some 
generations. He is in practice as a medical man. Some of the 
^^^** ^' notes I made from his conversation follow. 

lie has learned from more than one person intimately acquainted with Bushmen 
that it was usually the women who made the stone implements, and ho thinks that this 
accounts for the great numbers found. The arrow-straighteners and, doubtless, all the 
weapons were nuule by men. If the women made the implements they must have been 
constantly occupied with them, as white women are with knitting and fancy-work. The 
largo ini|)lements used for what nuiy be called domestic purposes, such as grinding, 
weights for digging sticks, Ac, arc often found in the springs. Dr. Kannemeyer 
thinks they were too heavy to carry about, and the Bushmen consequently hid them 
in the sjnings or in stores. It was a Bushman's custom to fill up and cover over 
the springs, to conceal them from Hottentots and from white men. The filling-stones 
are often, or usually, implements. It is inconceivable that this should be accidental^ 
auil Dr. Kannemeyer concludes that they were purposely kept there. 

lie says that one of the poisons the Bushmen used for tipping their arrows caused 
the nninials shot and woundeil to run in circles, so that they could not get away, but 
diHtpped within a short range, or were killeil by the hunter at his leisure. 

He ilraws attention to the ditlerouce between Bushman and Hottentot pottery. The 
former was mixed with grass for building purposes, and the gniss was burned out in 
the process of baking. The Hottentots di»l not mix grass with the clay. 

The ** apron** is a Hottentot, not a Bushman, feature. In the course of his 
practice Dr. Kannemeyer has examined numy women ; and he has never found it in 
a pure Uush\vonn\n. K. 8IDNKY HARTLAND. 

[ M ] 



1907.] MAN. [No. 36. 

America, North-West. Jett6. 

On the Lanffuaffe of the Ten'a. By the Rev, J. Jette, S.J. Communis Qft 
cated by the Stony hurst Anthropological Bureau^ through the Secretary. UU 

The geographical habitat of the tribes here designated as Teu'a may be roughly 
taken as lying between the 62nd and 67th of northern latitude, and between the 
149th and 160th of western longitude, the native being distributed in sparse settle- 
ments along the river and streams which flow in this area. The purpose of this paper 
is to offer a substantial outline of their language and its grammatical peculiarities. 

Within the area considered four dialects occur, viz., two extreme ones, spoken, 
one at the south-west corner, at Anvik, Koserefsky, on the Shagaluk Slough, and on 
the Innoko River, the other at the north-east and east end, at Tanana, Rampart, Fort 
Hamlin, and the Tanana River, and two central ones, which are mainly the subject of 
this sketch, spoken in the intervening space and joining at Nulato. This locality is, 
for this very reason, styled in the native traditions : Nii-ro-tena-dadleriin-ten, or " the 
" place where we are tied together," and the term is explained by the natives as an 
allusion to " the two strings of the language, which are there knotted to each other." 
They themselves distinguish the two central dialects ; the one spoken below Nulato^ 
all bearings and directions are referred to the Yukon River — being termed Yudoo 
Rokanaga, or the Lower Language, and the one spoken above this point being called 
Yune'a Rokanaga, or the Upper Language. The lower dialect gradually modifies, as 
the distance from Nulato increases, and finally degenerates into the uncouth and in- 
articulate extreme lower dialect spoken at Anvik and Koserefsky. This point is the 
lower limit of Ten'a speech, the next village, Paimiut, belonging to the Eskimo, whose 
language has nothing common with the Ten'a. The upper dialect also undergoes altera- 
tions at Tanana and other points more remote from the Nulato centre ; but these are 
slight, and almost exclusively limited to differences of pronunciation. Nevertheless, I 
shall consider this as the extreme upper dialect within the area considered. It is almost 
superfluous to remark that any one of the four dialects is perfectly understood by those 
who speak any of the remaining three. 

I. — Phonetics. 
§ 1. 0« the Alphabet and Sounds. 

The alphabet which I shall use agrees, in its main lines, with that of Professor 
Max MUller, as given on p. 173 of Notes and Queries (3rd ed.). I have thought it 
best, however, to review here all the sounds of the language, as they furnish interesting 
data for comparison with other connected idioms. 

The Ten'a has seven vowel sounds : a, e, 6, i, o, u, ii. 

a is normally sounded as in America ; thus : aba^ sick ; /^/i'a, man ; a shade of 
difference is perceptible when it is followed by a consonant in the same syllable, its 
sound being then shortened and coming near to the French a short ; thus : eslan^ I 
am ; ttar^ sinew. 

e is the e muet of the French, or a German o very short ; it has the sound of 
e in supper^ cripple. When followed by a consonant in the same syllable its sound 
is nearly as in debt. It has the former sound in /ewa, us, and the latter one in ten'^a^ 
man or child (as related to parents). 

c has the sound of a in date; thus : terela^ thou shalt be. 

i has the sound of ea in neat ; thus : 5/, I ; tabit^ net. 

o has always its open sound, as in philology ; it never sounds as in note ; thus : 
ron^ we ; yorron^ you ; rott^ sled. 

u as 00 in fool ; thus : wz«, name ; uyo^ ashamed; kun^ also; /w, water. 

u as tt in full^ and even shorter ; thus : hun^ fire, husband ; /«, what ? 

[ 51 ] 



Ha 36.3 MAN. p907. 

There are onlj four diphthongs, and in these the two sounds are perceptible though 
blended together. Tbev are : — 

ai as in aisle ; thu:s : sakaik. boT, bovs. 

ei has no English equi%'alent, but is easily obtained ; keikj birch ; kereihj gunwale. 

oi as in baii ; thus : ''oih^ snow-shoes ; es*oih^ I go. 

ni as the French ouil in quenouille ; thus : kuiky roseberry. 

There are fifteen consonant sounds, viz., \ b, d, g, h, k, 1, i, m, n, r, s, t, t, 
mild z. 

The first, represented bj the apostrophe, ', is a very slight aspirate ; it can be 
imitated by making an almost imperceptible stop where it occurs ; thus : ien^Oy man ; 
kefon^ leaf : tion^ I eat, 

b as in English hid; thus : aha^ sick ; ban^ his mother. 

d as in dock. The d and the first sound of /, however, are, as in German, less 
differentiated from each other than in English or French. 

g as in gate^ get ; thus : ega'an^ I act. 

b represents the German ch soft, as in sch ; thus : 'oi^, snow-shoes. 

1 as in English ; thus : eslarij I am ; /o, hand ; /o/, mouth. 

i as in Polish, or II in Welsh ; it is the palatal or lateral /, and is one of the 
most frequent sounds in the language; thus : tik, dog; tet^ skin, &c, 

m as in English ; thu!< : m^, his ; m^/i, swamp. 

n as in English ; thus : nen, thou ; ien^ trail ; eszun, I am good. Before a i( it 
has a shaile of nasality ; nenkoka^ the surface of the earth. 

r varies from the sound of English r in car, to that of German ch hard as in 
Buck, The latter, somewhat softened, ought to be taken as the normal sound. The 
lower dialect has a much stronger pronunciation of this sound than the upper one, and 
the difference is illustrated by the white men's transcriptions of the two names Nnlato 
and Kaltag. The same suffix tor^ pronounced in the upper language, in Xulaior^ 
has lost its final aspirate and l>ecome Nulato^ whilst in Kaltor^ pronounced in the lower 
language, it has preserved its guttural aspirate and changed it into a g^ Kaltag. 

s as in sin ; thus : si, I ; o#w, agreeably to. 

t has four .sounds : the first as in French, but nearer to a ^ ; as tetan^ he acts ; 
the second accompanie<l by a slight a.spiration, as in English : this occurs mostly after an 
M ; lesto, I stay ; the difference l>etween these two is practically negligible. The third 
soand is accompanied by a distinct aspiration, as ute-Zo, his father ; the foiu-th is the 
explodent / which occurs but seldom ; keto^ feather ; me-ta, its horns. 

k has also several degrees. The first is void of any aspiration, as the c in French, 
car, or in Italian, come ; thus : negeket^ I fear ; kon^ here. The second has the aspira- 
tion which accompanies the English k in kite ; thus : negeket^ I am stretched ; kon^ 
abdomen. The third has a stronger aspiration, and we would naturally write it as kh ; 
thus : Aa, foot. The fourth is the explodent, which occurs in very few worils ; thus : 
heihy birch ; kas^ alder. The fifth is an undifferentiated sound, intermediate between 
k and r (German ch hard) ; thus : nakatla^ fox ; atokot^ now. The first, fourth, and 
fifth sounds are of rare occurrence. 

y has its consonant sound ; yo, louse, lice ; yo, sky. 

z as in zeal ; uza^ name ; yoza^ small. 

In groups of consonants each preserves its peculiar value. The most common 
combinations are : /#, dz^ tt^ dl. 

In addition to the above sounds, the extreme dialects, both upper and lower, present 
the sound tch^ or that of English ch in church. It occurs where the central dialects 
have 2l k OT g. Thus : tchun for Ai/«, also ; tchor for kor^ big. 

Moreover, the extreme lower dialect replaces : — 

tt by the English th (as in think); edhaththon^ for vlattttan^ he hears. 

[ 52 ] 



1907.] MAN. [No. 36. 

1 by dh or Eogllsh th (as in this) ; edhaththon^ for ulatttton^ he hears ; dhestOy 
for lesto^ I stay ; rono-yhii-kesedhet for rono-yini-keselct^ I suffer. 

z by zA or French j (as 5 in pleasure) ; eje for wza, name. 

» by /I as ^c /1c/a for te neta^ he is. 

6 by v as ve-to^ his father, for me-to, 

M by e as ^'e for «/za, name ; flejin for nezun^ he is good. The two sounds f 
and r (rolling or liquid) seem to be altogether foreign to the language, and ordinary 
natives cannot pronounce them. They say, ko^ih for coffee ; Alusen for Russian ; 
lahhits for rabbits, &c. The sounds sh^j^ &c., as in sharp, John, are unpronounceable 
to uneducated natives of the central dialects ; they will pronounce salp, tson, &c. 

§ 2. Laws of Euphony, 

The phenomena described under this heading are apparently traceable to no other 
cause than the requirements of the Teu'a ear. 

Surds and Sonants, — The following sounds are related to each other as surd to 
sonant ; h to y ; k to g ; t to I ; r to its softer sound r (no difference in the writing) ; 
s to z, and t to d ; consequently also ts to dz and ft to dl. The softer or unaspirated 
sounds of k and t also act as sonants to the hard or aspirated ones. 

Initial and final consonants are generally surd ; when they are juxtaposed to a 
vowel, either added to the word or belonging to another which is uttered continuously 
with it (such as the possessive pronoun), they are changed to the corresponding sonants. 
This change is not always so great as to require an alteration in the spelling. The 
alteration is generally needed to ensure correctness of pronunciation, with f, *, /, and ts ; 
it may be conveniently omitted with /#, A, r, and tt. Thus we say : — 
te /", skin, belt ; se te /, my skin ; se lela^ my belt. 
ttabaSj semi-circular knife ; se ttahaza, my knife. 
ranit, for the purpose of ; rott ranide, a thing for a sled. 
tebetSy it is broad ; itehedza, it is not broad. 

taras'ot, I shall go ; taras'ol e ? shall I go ? tarasol a ? may I go ? 
rott, sled ; so rott a, my sled. 
tte^ head ; se tte, my head. 
Glides, — The sounds f and t are used as glides. 

The i is used (1) between a vowel and the h. This t is always written, in our 
actual orthography, and most of our so-called diphthongs are reducible to the t glide ; 
(2) between e and /, as in ketoke, one thing, pronounced keitoke. This glide is very 
short, and omitted in the writing. 

The / is used (1) betwe«3n s and / or t, as in eslati, I am, pronounced estlan; 
so^osttj we (two) shall go. This glide is not written in the first person singular of 
verbs, as eslan, because its insertion would mislead to a false notion of the root ; it 
is written in all other cases ; (2) between two /'s, when nothing else separates them, 
as taltla, he has begun to be. This glide is always written. 

Assimilation, — A vowel is likened in pronunciation to the one that follows it ; thus 
before the word o/, wife, the possessive pronoun se becomes so, and we say so-ot, my 
wife. This is called assimilation. Only the short vowels a, S, 5, are thus assimilated 
to a following one, not, however, to e or i. The assimilation takes place also when 
the two vowels are separated by ', k, or r. Thus : — 
nu usa, thy name, for ne uza, 
tso^on, we eat, for tse'on, 
iiukudza, he is small, for ntkudza, 
rorotset, they tell a lie, for rarotset. 
There are also instances of reversed assimilation by which the following vowel is 
likened to the preceding. This happens mostly in the suffixes a and en, 

[ 63 ] 



Wo. 36.] MAN. 11907. 

Trannftr and Trannposition. — The exchange of places between two consecutive 
Bjllablert coHHtitutes what I call transfer ; l>etween two consecutive letters or sounds 
it is the transposition. 

TJie transfer happens when the liquid syllables le or ne occur before the syllable te; 
this is then transferred before the liquid syllable, and a long i is prefixed. Thus the 
verb lettra^ I kill, would have for its future, letarattrat^ but this becomes itelarattrat ; 
nesiaih, I go to be<l ; future, itenarastat^ instead of netarastat. 

In these forms, ite may be, at option, syncopated into i; ilarattraty i?iarastat ; 
exactly us in Latin amarunt, amassem^ for amaverunt^ amavissem. 

The transposition occurs between r and a following vowel if this is short. Thus : 
tariige^ik^ J shall act, is pronounced taargelk^ <fec. To preserve the words in a recog- 
nisable Hhaj)e I have kept the regular orthography of these words, it being easy to 
remember how they should be pronounced. In the preposition ro, however, as this 
inconvenience did not occur, the spelling has been changed to or whenever the trans- 
position occurred. 

Syncope^ Condensatioriy and Contraction. — The syncope has been described. It 
is altogether at the speaker's option. By condensation and contraction I designate 
similar j)henomena ; in the condensation the result of the fusion of sounds is a con- 
sonant, in the contraction it is a vowel. 

Condensation occurs in the groupings iset and tsed^ reducing them respectively to 8 
and z. Thus : tsetatttan, we sent, becomes salt tan ; a tsedaleniky we touched, becomes 
a zalcnik, &c. Condensation is not altogether optional. The best usage (1) requires 
it to bo made before a long vowel ; (2) leaves it at the speaker's option before an i ; 
(3) rejects it before a short vowel, especially if followed by another short syllable. 

Contraction occurs mostly in verbs, and should be studied directly on the verb 
forms. It is never optional, but absolutely required by grammar. The most frequent 
ocourrences are : — 

ancj contracted to e or ei, as relat (for ranelal)^ reilan (for ranelan). 



ene^ 


»» 


11 i 


„ tsilan (for tsenelan). 


oney 


11 


11 w 


„ rulan (for ronclan). 


HNCy 


*» 


„ u 


„ ruyo (for runeyo). 


«i, 


V 


11 e 


„ renla (for rainla). 


m. 


11 


11 w 


„ runtan (for rointaji). 


ui. 


11 


„ u 


„ xinfya (for uintya). 


(irH, 


11 


11 


„ tola (for tarala). 


urt4j 


»» 


1^ w 


„ nuyat (for nuruyat). 


rOy raOy 


11 


11 o 


„ oriat (for raorlat or rorlat). 


ruHy 


11 


., M 


„ urla (for ruria). 



§ 3. Prosody and Accent, 

Ten'rt vowels have a distinctly marked quantity, being long or short, with the 
exception of the *, which is, practically, always long. A long vowel is given, in the 
utterance, fnlly twice as much time as a short one. 

There is, besides, a distinct accent, marked, as in English, by a peculiar stress on 
the accented syllable. 

Moreover, the Ten'a also use the drawl, which consists in protracting unusually 
the sound of a vowel, at the same time raising the voice to a somewhat higher pitch. 
The drawl is emphatic and has the force of expression of a superlative. Thus : nit lot, 
it is far, with a drawl on the o, means, it is very far. A drawled a is transformed 
into f ; thus : nedan^ no, when drawled becomes neden ; tcn'^a rulan^ there are people, 
becomes ten a rw/f/i, there are many people. The drawl never falls on an unaccented 
BjUable, and may be considered as an exaggerated accent. 

[ 64 ] 



1907.] MAN. [»ro. 36. 

Children are wont to make much use of the drawl, but this, in grown-up people 
is ridiculed as childish by all careful speakers. 

All the roots are accented, and as these form the last syllable in verbs, it follows 
that all Ten'a verbs have an accent on the last syllable. The only exception to this rule 
being in the case of a dissyllabic root accented on its first syllable, as in tso-esttaka^ I am 
bad ; here the root is tiaka, and its accent is on the penult. Dissyllabic and polysyllabic 
roots have generally but one accent, and its place must be learnt for each individual 
cuse. 

Besides the root-accent, Ten'a words of some length (and these are common 

enough) have one or more extra accents on their long syllables. Thus radadletit^ they 
stay, has the root-accent on / te, the secondary one on da. Note : The hyphen is used 
in this paper as an orthographic sign, to join parts of words which are accidentally, but 
not essentially, connected, such as prefixes and their verbs, &c. 

II. — Grammatical Generalities. 

Numbers and genders, or gender-like distinctions, exist in Ten'a, but their mani* 
festations and effects on words are altogether different from what they are in our 
languages. As the verb is the main element of the Ten'a speech, it is in the verb 
that most indications relative to these accidents may be found. 

Numbers. — The Ten'a has three numbers : singular, plural, and multiple, referring 
to one, several, or many. The dual is found exclusively in one verb, es'^oih, I go, and 
its derivatives. In ranes'aih, I speak, the common plural has often the force of a dual, 
and the multiple is used for the common plural. But these are isolated cases. 

Genders. — Although based on different considerations the Ten'a genders are gram- 
matically of the same nature as ours. They are two : abstract and concrete. The 
abstract gender comprises all abstract terms and those expressing time or space, such as 
good, evil, life, death, day, night, year, house, eddy, &c. A few terms belong to the 
abstract gender, which we would have expected to find among the concrete ones, but the 
reason of the fact is always easily found. Thus : the mouth, /o, /o/, is abstract, because 
it is a cavity ; so also is the abdomen, kon ; and again the eye, nekoty when considered 
as a cavity ; but when considered as the organ filling this cavity, the eye, nora, is of the 
concrete gender. 

The concrete gender, designating all objects not comprised in the abstract, is 
subdivided into two sub-genders : the personal, comprising all the personal or rational 
beings, and the impersonal, including all the irrational ones. The devils are also 
relegated to the impersonal sub-gender categories. Two verbs, having innumerable 
derivatives, denote by their very form peculiar features of their object. These features, 
evidently salient to the Ten'a mind, distinguish those objects in twelve kinds or groups 
which have been called categories. They are : (i) plurals ; (ii) innumerables or multi- 
tudinous ; (iii) deteriorated ; (iv) living ; (v) common ; (vi) hard ; (vii) sheathed ; 
(viii), dished ; (ix) powdered ; (x) folding ; (xi) eatables ; (xii) burning. 

Qualities. — Some qualities of the object also influence the verb, especially length 
shape, &c. 

Parts of Speech. — In an agglutinative language the parts of speech are not the 
words, as such, but the roots. Ten'a roots may be divided into two classes : — 

I. Those that are used in their unagglutinated forms, and constitute words by 
themselves ; these are : root-nouns, root-adjectives, article, pronouns, and particles. 
The root-nouns are so called to distinguish them from suffix-nouns, or nouns formed 
by the regular process of suffixation. Root-adjectives are very few, the adjectives 
being commonly verbs. Particles comprise our adverbs, prepositions, conjunctions, 
and interjections. 

[ 55 ] 



No8. 36-38.] MAN. [1907. 

II. ThoHC that are ined only in the agglutinated condition, i.e., combined with 
otIier.H : they are — einpha^isers, verh-nK>ts», prefixes, and i^nffixes. 

To follow a convcMiient order we shall study them as follows in a subsequent 
paper: — (1) enipha."isers ; (2) root-nouns; (3) root-adjectives ; (4) article: (5) pro- 
nouns ; (6) verb-roots and verbs, including the adjectives ; (7) prefixes ; (8) suffixes 
and suffix-nouns, including' numerals ; (9) particles. J. JETTE. 



England: Aroheeolog^r . St. George Gray. 

An Arrowhead of Rare Type from Banwell Camp, Somerset. Q^ 

% JL Sf. Gvorgc Gray, Of 

\\\ Man, 1906, 96, a very thin flint arrowhead from Cannington Park Camp, near 
Bridgwater, was figured and described. Attention was drawn, not only to its remark- 
able thinness and slight weight, but also to its unusual outline, the upper portion of 
the ])la(le being incurved, giving an ogee outline to the cutting edges of the implement. 

Since recording the Cannington arrowhead another example of this type, also 
found in Somerset, has become known to me. The accompanying illustration 
represents, full size, a flint arrowhead picked up on the surface of Banwell Camp, 
by Miss Hilda Pritchard, daughter of Mr. J. E. Pritchard, F.S.A., of Bristol. Other 
arrowhemls of flint found by Mr. Pritchard at the same camp were recently pre- 
sented by him to Taunton Castle Museum, but the little implement 
A i A here figured is still in his private collection. The following 

vMJ\ n are its dimensions : — Length, 22 * 5 mm. (a little over \ inch) ; 

^g^xi^Rk g| width, 15*5 mm. (f inch); maximum thickness, 2*8 mm.; 

/Sr'wtl^ .3 weight, 16| grains. It is finely chipped on both faces and in 

t2»^/TO»7 W general outline resembles the Cannington arrowhead, except that 

^Utijk' V the incurving of the edges between the place of greatest width 

and the point is hardly so pronounced. 

No arrowhead of this type is illustrated in Mr. J. R. Mortimer's great work on 
the bm-ial mounds of East Yorkshire, but in Jewitt's Grave Mounds^ p. 119, Fig. 159, 
a similar arrowhead (length, 1§ inch) is figured — an arrowhead more closely resembling 
the Cannington specimen ; it was found at Ringham-Low, Derbyshire. 

Banwell Camp is a large oval earthwork about 500 yards long by 270 yards 
wide, covering some 20 acres and situated at the east end of Banwell Hill. In 
nearly every heap of earth thrown up from rabbit-holes one finds a flint flake or two 
and Honietinies thick, coarse, British pottery. The nearest point at which flints are 
found if! situ is near Maiden Bradley. The ancient trackway which ran along the 
top of the Mendip Hills from Uphill to Old Sarum passes al)out 300 yards to the 
south of Banwell Camp and through Maiden Bnulley. H. ST. GEORGE GRAY. 



REVIEWS. 
Malay. Skeat: Blagden. 

Pagan /fans of the Malay Peninsula, By Walter William Skeat, M.A., QQ 
and Charles Otto Blagilen, M.A. London : Macmillan, 1906. Two volumes. UU 
Pp. xl + TLM ; x + Hoo. 23 x 15 cm. Price 42*. 

The scope of this work which, excluding a comparative vocabulary of about 
150 pagt»s, runs to about 1,200 pages, is defined in the preface, where it is stated to 
bo ** essentially a compilation from nnmy sources," though differing from most books of 
that kind, *' first, in being based to a very large extent on materials hitherto unpublished, 
*' and accessible only through })rivate channels of information, and secondly in having 
** been constructed with special knowledge of the subject and in a critical spirit," 
but it soon becomes evident that the authors in describing their work as essentially a 

[ 5.t ] 



44 



44 
44 



1907.] MAN. [No. 38. 

eonipilntion do themselves less than justice since these volumes contain a large amount 
of first-hand ohservation. 

Mr. Skeat and Mr. Blagden have so divided the work between them that the 
greater part of the book, including its introduction, has been written by the former, the 
latter's task having been confined to that portion of the second volume bearing on 
linguistics; each author has, however, "as far as possible, revised and checked the 
" work of the other, but the ultimate responsibility of each is to be apportioned to his 
own share of the book." When it is added that the parts of the book '* dealing 
with . . . racial and cultural characteristics, which had originally been arranged 
" under tJie headings of the various subjects dealt with, were entirely re-written upon 
a phylogenetic system, so as to throw into relief the differences which separate one 
race from another" it becomes obvious that neither author has spared himself, and 
the reader ceases to be surprised at the degree of success attained by the authors in 
combining into an ordered narrative the peculiarly heterogeneous materials with which 
they had to deal. 

A bibliography stands at the beginning of the first volume and the critical nature 
of the work is at once shown by the authors' attempts to appreciate the value of 
the material published by Vaughan-Stevens. In spite of the true Gilbertian ring of 
some of Vaughan-Stevens' tales, Messrs. Skeat and Blagden are of the opinion that 
there is " left over a foundation of valuable facts," and to this point of view refer- 
ence will again be made when the decorative art of the jungle folk is considered. 

The introduction, in which the environment of the jungle tribes is discussed, is a 
charming piece of work, and though the whole carries with it the very scent and sounds 
of the Malaysian forest, Mr. Skeat is perhaps at his best in describing its human 
inhabitants : "... in whatever order they may have arrived, we can now recognise 
" with sufficient clearness the Semang, Sakai, and Jakun as three distinct and 
" separate races : the Negritos or Semang, with their woolly hair and round bright 
" eyes, the darkest, the best developed, and at the same time the most markedly 
nomadic of all the races in the Peninsula ; the Sakai, who are the lightest, with 
their often interesting features, reminiscent maybe of their old Dravidian ancestry, 
though modified by the effect of their somewhat narrow-lidded, half-closed eyes, hair 
of a distinctly wavy character, and their generally somewhat emaciated appearance ; 
and the Jakun or aboriginal Malayans, with their smooth blue-black hair, a race 
" hard to distinguish because of its admixture with the other two main stocks, but 
*' who must nevertheless be accepted as a type, if the physical evidence of skull and 
" skull-features, skin-colour and hair-character are not to be utterly denied. In each 
** case the fate of their scanty bands must have been very similar — a never-ending 
struggle for existence first against the forces of nature, against hunger, disease, 
and a hundred forms of death, and later against the persecutions of man, thus 
faithfully mirroring the battle of the gigantic vegetation and dangerous beasts 
among which they lived. The shadow, the hall-mark of the primeval forest — at 
once their protector, their sustainer and their grave — is burned into them, and 
shows itself in the restless motion • and hunted expression of their eyes, and even in 
their very gait, for the great height to which they raise the foot in walking (a 
" habit acquired in circumventing the continual obstacles that meet them in the 
undergrowth), and the careful deliberation with which they plant it on the ground 
remain even when they come out into open country, and expose them to much 
" ridicule and cheap witticisms on the part of the Malays. It was the forest that 
" supplied them with food, shelter, clothing, ornaments, implements of every descrip- 
" tion, with drugs and simples when they were sick, with materials and subjects 
*' for their dances, feasts, songs, instruments of music. Their strongest asseveration 
" was to say, 'May a tree fall on me,' — an expression that fully brings out the 

r 57 1 

k. .J 



44 

44 

44 
44 

44 



44 
14 
44 
44 

44 
44 
44 



44 
44 



No. 38.] MAN. [1907. ^H 


" esioiji |<, ivlii,-!, (his |„irli<.'iiliir rermr .loiuiiiiiteil llioir \U'o». It \v,i> rljc lon-si. rlini ^^H 


" TwvWeil ilu-ti' >]e;)d into it.s kiiiUly W^m : iiKlec-.!, lo Uo laJU to ret^t in ilii- c.vil ^^H 


" oiHstretcheil arnis of ilie great foiest Iteva vfw tlie bigliest Iioiiour llitti coul'l l>e ^^^H 


" imi.l to tlipir (lepRrteil chiefs, whose spirits they so pathoricnMy praje.i to ' piiy ^^^H 


" 'heed oDJy to their tleod nnceiitori>, for llieir living; frieiiih would tiiid fooit.' Their ^^^^H 


" simple ideti of the delights of h future etnle w&i^ after ull Itut a t,'loritied - Avilion.' ^^^H 


" an 'Islttiid of Fruits,'^ from which all that wns noxioiis uud di^resxJiig to man ^^^H 


" (mid therefore to tiiiin'V hoiiI) liud l>eeii ellminaied. ai>d llio very eiitriLiice lo whieli ^^^H 


" lay over the iihiiiiu! Kiid^'.: I..mi,-d l.y il„. (nii.k .<( t> h\\<-» rrc<'." ^^^ 


In the lirst 






eeetioti of the 


■Avaivtii: w «e mmimmimamm 




,i,a. ,„ ^Maiiair. » TO; Kngi»aKwiM 




r.«,i.i.h„„»,„, MWMBSH ift'il rgWlBMHlilBl 




the x„„.,ig n„ ■llvBittHlflfmiSHHiiSHnl 




niiheBitatingly 


^^MlmWrtv^MU^KmM m UXVi' ^mmMitimamimiMmM 




eluBsed nt> 


P^kBJi I^Hr^^KBB|9VS'^M|f iH I^Bfcai^W 




iiegrito, thoii{,'h 


^■^I^I^^IIIS^Hb vifj^Eolfl MhUI 




metilioii it tnndc. 


I^^^^^^H^^BB^^^^BrVi/ifllflU^H ^B SK^Dfl 




of Mikhieho- 


l^^m^H^H|Vi^flH y)/s^Rk H E^^^^^H 




Mw'lay'a view 


IB^^^HbB^mIbvS n ^^Bfl IH^^H 




that both Se- 




. 'y>i. . 




mang and Sakui 




-. ' ). t.'.'f^^ 




are "pur »nng 




>.:,. if^r^s 




Meluneaiatis." 


^^^^^^H^^^^HB'^JEwT^^HE 


.-X^-r.^^ 




The Sakai are 




^MaB 1 


recognised as 


\v 1 i"^V.' "^^^^B 


kVMlH 1 


represent! Nfr a 


^^^^■K^wMWig m ixxjmxm ■ 


race not found 
elsewliero in 


^^^^^^kvsfiekI^^smjh Aissmm 




.r^^\ 




the peiiinsiiln. 




though Mr. 

Skeat suspends 
judgment as to 


[ r\%m m-. 




whether thcv 


^' \ i:iy<>-. It-. -."?; 




should be re- 






garded as Dra- 






vidiau, and so al- 




lied to the Vol]- 


\ -^:$^~: w^'-- 




(lahB of Ceylou, 


>\r-i5^:r^, ■:?^^ 




or as relalod to 




certaio tribes of 
the interior of 




1 


: '" 7 '^ ,A' -.*>'- • 




Cmnboga, with 




J 


whose language 


- -■-_nr^f^:'-^' ' 


_^ 


the Sakai dia- 
lects have an ad- 
mitted affinity. 


■ 


Cirrull. 
Flli- 1, -SAKAI FAMir-V, I Lt niKIU, NRXB BIOOR. 


■ 


The Jakun are («.^™(««j *,//,. ..-r.,„ ^ j/«,r., i/a<».«;«., ^^H 


ooiiKtderGil to l>e a composite group of principally aboriginal Malayan trilies, many of ^^^H 


whom have iutcnnarried freely with Seinang and Sakai, the erosaing betwoon tho^e ^^^| 




beyond specifying Land and Sea Jakun aft both conaiiiling preduinluaQlly of an aboriginal ^^^H 


[ l>9 ] ^H 



1907.] MAN. [No. 38. 

heathen Malay stock. Speaking broadly, the Sakai and Jakun are both rather taller 
than the Semang ; and while the latter and the Jakun are typically bracbycephalic, 
the Sakai are dolichocephalic. The hair of the Sakai is wavy, that of the Semang 
curly, while the hair of the Jakun is straight and smooth, but the extent to which 
intermarriage has modified hair and other physical characters will become obvious on 
examining the series of photographs illustrating local groups given at the end of the 
■second volume, one of which is reproduced in Fig. 1. A number of valuable data 
bearing upon physical matters are given in an appendix to the first volume, some 
of the tables being contributed by Dr. W. L. H. Duckworth. 

A short precis of the distinguishing cultural peculiarities of the jungle folk most 
usefully follows the description of their physical peculiarities. The Semang are the 
most nomadic, the wilder tribes " never staying, it is alleged, more than three days in 
one place " ; their habitations consist of natural shelters under overhanging rocks or 
the simplest form of leaf shelters. Their national weapon is the bow, with poisoned 
arrows, though the blowpipe has been to some extent adopted ; they are monogamous 
and feel no such fear of the ghosts of their dead as do the Sakai and Jakun. The 
Sakai, though largely nomadic, are less wild than the Semang, and unlike the latter, 
tatoo the face, while body painting has been developed into a regular system. Their 
weapon is the blowpipe with poisoned darts, and so great is their fear of the dead 
that they will frequently burn down or desert an encampment in which a death has 
occurred. The Jakun are only partially nomadic, and usually cultivate rice, sugar, or 
other plants, especially durian trees ; they make and use dug-out canoes and the 
blowpipe. They have chiefs who in some cases have regalia of office, their marriage 
rites are peculiar, e,g,^ the Mantra and Besisi hold a species of marriage-carnival 
at harvest time and they have many magic ceremonies and invocations. 

The habitations of these jungle tribes vary from caves and wind screens of palm 
leaves to huts nearly conformable to the common Malayan hut type built on the ground, 
or even upon piles, but it is notable that, except in one particular case the reason for 
which — protection from wild elephants — is known, the caves which have been inhabited 
are those rock shelters formed by overhanging cliffs and not hollows runnuig deeply into 
solid rock. The Besisi huts, which most closely resemble Malay houses, are much 
smaller than the latter ; indeed, they are little more than " boxes," but in spite of this 
the balai or public hall is found among these Jakun communities. At Ayer Itam, on 
the Selangor coast, Mr. Skeat saw a balai built at right angles to the house of the 
tribal chief ; the building was erected by the labour of all the males of the com- 
munity and was large enough to hold all its builders and their families, amounting 
perhaps to some sixty or seventy people. Such balai are described in Besisi songs. 
It is pointed out that this is probably not an example of the Jakun borrowing 
from the Malays, " but rather an example of a custom sprung from their common 
*' origm. 

Comparatively little space is given to the stone adze heads found throughout the 
Peninsula, since Mr. Skeat shows that in spite of Vaughan-Stevens' assertions to the 
contrary, there is no reason to believe that the jungle tribes are responsible for, or 
consistently used, these implements, although at the present day chips or flakes are 
sometimes used as knives and the Jakun employ awls made of bone. 

As might have been expected, many stages of agriculture are found among these 
jungle people ; some Jakun grow a comparatively large [amount of rice, but it appears 
that none have progressed as far as some of the Mohammedan tribes who make \ise of 
Irrigation. The wildest of the Semang tribes do not eat rice or grain, except when 
they obtain a small supply through barter, and there are, in fact, thorough nomads 
living upon roots and wilds fruits eked out by the products of their skill in hunting 
and fishing. Other Semang cultivate a species of millet ; then comes hill-rice, and 

[ 59 ] 



No. 38.] MAN. [1907. 

crops of this are grown by communities who are still semi-nomadic, and migrate as 
soon as their scanty crop is harvested. Among the Sakai the rice-soul is protected 
by elaborate ceremonies both at planting and reaping. 

In the hundred pages which he devotes to the decorative art of the jungle people 
Mr. Skeat makes a determined effort to construct from Vaughan-Stevens' writings a 
coherent account of Semang and Sakai art, but in the writer's opinion this is a task 
which can only be attempted profitably after the whole matter lias been freshly 
investigated in the field, and in spite of generous and skilful editing and pruning it ia 
difficult not to believe that Mr. Skeat has allowed his desire to do iustice to a fellow^ 
worker very largely to usurp the place of his critical faculty. Further, it is surely 
regrettable that Mr. Skeat's own observations, which are unfortunately not numerous 
but which are of great value, are so tucked away in the voluminous account given of 
Vaughan-Stevens' ideas that it is difficult to determine where Mr. Skeat is speaking at 
first hand. As a matter of fact, the descriptions of patterns upon pages 416-419 da 
apply to the Semang dart quivers and combs collected by Mr. Skeat and figured upon 
far too small a scale and with no adequate reference upon a plate facing pages 414 
and 415. 

Among both Semang and Sakai, the head of each community is called Pelima 
(Malay penglima) or Penghulu, and among neither folk is there any paramount chief 
corresponding in authority to a Malay raja, for the chiefs of each community are all 
of equal standing, and do not meet officially, except to compose difficulties, whicb^ 
however, rarely arise between members of different communities. Among the Semang 
the chiefs are always " medicine men " (bHian) of some standing, and as such, but 
not in their chiefly capacity, they abstain from certain articles of food, which lay 
members of the community may eat, such as goat, buffalo flesh, and often fowl. The 
bodies of the oldest and wisest b^lian are disposed of in a special way, being deposited 
in a rude shelter built high up among the branches of a tree, so that their souls may 
enter into the special paradise reserved for them, by flying over the demon that scares, 
back their lay fellow tribesmen. 

The regalia of the chief {batifi) of some Jakun communities has already been 
mentioned, but, besides being executive chief, the hatin also acts as priest at marriages,, 
as magician, and as judge in the rare event of crime occurring in the community over 
which he presides. The batin has under him sub-chiefs, who are in some senses 
executive officers, and who assist respectively in carrying out his commands and in 
looking after the balai. 

The difficulty of obtaining reliable information from the jungle folk concerning^ 
the existence and behaviour of spiritual agencies higher than ghost and demons was 
very great, and it was only after many conversations with both eastern and western 
Senumg, who for long pretended ignorance of a supreme being, that one of them in 
an unusually confiding moment said to Mr. Skeat, " Now we will really tell you all we 
know," and proceeded to speak of Ta-Ponn, the maker of the world and the husband 
of the moon, who lives in the eastern heavens. This deity, though lazy, was powerful 
and benevolent, and,' " like a Malay raja, there was nobody above him." High goda 
of a similar otiose disposition also occur among Sakai and Jakun, whose religious 
beliefs differ from those of the Semang in the far greater imj)ortance attached to the 
actions of the demons and the ghosts of the dead, since, while the Semang show scarcely 
any fear or regard for the actions of spirits or gho-Jts, both Sakai and Jakun may^ 
when a death occurs, desert their encampments and sometimes their standing crops, 
owing to their terror of the ghost of the deceased. But, while the Sakai usually 
j)romptly flee the spot where death has occurred, the Jakun are more deliberate and 
first endeavour to make the soul of their dead comfortable, certain Besisi building 

[ 60 ] 



1907.] MAN. [No. 38. 

B slielter by the grave for the souls (there may be as many as seven) of the deceased 
to inhabit. 

Both Semang and Sakai believe in metempsychosis, the souls of Semang hlian 
(medicine man) passing after death into sucli animals as the elephant, tiger, or 
rhinoceros. Of the appearance and attributes of the souls of the dead jungle folk 
very little is known, but the Sakai say that the souls go to Neraka, where they 
come before " Granny Long-Breasts," who, with their god Tuhan or Peng, inhabits 
the upper heavens and compels the souls to walk along the horizontal edge of a 
monstrous chopper hanging above a huge vat of boiling water. A block of woo<l juts 
from the side of the vessel so as to leave a gap between it and the end of the blade 
across which the souls must jump : the good souls reach the block of timber, but the 
bad fall into the vat from which Granny Long-Breasts picks them as soon as they 
are washed clean, though, if requiring further purification, she may cast them in a second 
or third time, and so on up to seven times, when, if they are still impure, they return 
to earth to wander as demons. Such a " lost soul " demon is the Uantu Degup, which 
wanders in intolerable misery, from which it can only find relief upon the grave in 
which rests the l)ody it once inhabited. 

Reference has already been made to the transmigration of souls, and only one 
other phase of the relation of man and his soul to animals can be treated. The 
more accomplished of the Semang wizards or medicine men believe that they can at 
will turn themselves into tigers, and Mr. Skeat gives a most interesting account of 
his meeting with one Pandak, well known as a dangerous were-tiger. The extreme 
simplicity of the method which produces the change is striking, all that is necessary 
is for the bHian to cause the smoke arising from burning benzoin to pass over his 
body while he imitates the motions of a tiger, and says, "I am going to walk." 
When his craving for flesh is appeased he has only to return to the spot on which 
he assumed tiger shape, and say, "I am going home." 

In the last section of the book, which deals with language, Mr. Blagden begins 
by considering the present status and future prospects of the dialects of the wild tribes. 
All known dialects contain a proportion of Malay loan words, very many of the 
aborigines are bi-lingual, and the number of these is rapidly increasing, while in large 
areas in the south of the Peninsula the only language spoken is Malay, more or less 
modified by the national idiosyncrasies of the speaker. So fast, indeed, is the process 
of decay advancing that Mr. Blagden considers it to justify the presumption that in a 
few generations there will be little or nothing left of these dialects " except in two or 
*' three remote tracts where at present bi-lingualism has hardly begun to appear." But 
although the introduction of Malay words is now proceeding much faster than has ever 
occurred before, there is abundant evidence that the process is of long standing, since 
many Malay loan words are pronounced neither as they are spoken in the standard 
speech of the educated folk of the Peninsula nor in its many dialects, but as from 
comparison with the speech of other parts of Malaysia they must have been pro- 
nounced when Malay was transcribed into Arabic characters. A single example of 
this interesting survival most suffice ; the final k of written Malay, which still survives 
in the commonly spoken dialect of Sarawak, but which in the spoken Malay of the 
Peninsula has dwindled to a glottal check, is pronounced distinctly in many aboriginal 
dialects. There are also words which, though showing " Malayan," t.c, Malayo- 
Polynesian affinities, have certainly not come into the aboriginal vocabularies through 
Malay, and a number of this class of words suggest to Mr. Blagden that they are a 
group of "Malayan" dialects early differentiated in the Peninsula itself. In both 
Semang and Sakai there are important Mon-Annam (Mon-Ehmer) elements which are 
discussed at length, and it is suggested that there may be a dual origin for these, 
for although the Sakai and Semang languages may be essentiallv members of one 

[ 61 ] 



Xos. 38-39.] MAN. [1907. 

familj it is at least as likely that the languages of both peoples have been influenced 
by contact with folk speaking Mon-Annamese dialects, and, of course, these views need 
not exclude each other. 

There is a most interesting chapter on taboo, language, and other special forms of 
speech, and the book ends with the comparative vocabulary already mentioned. 

In spite of the care taken in the preparation of these volumes there is one rather 
serious defect, and no reader can escape being worried by it before he has read twenty 
pages : in the whole of the first volume there is no map of the Peninsula, while that 
at the end of the second volume, including as it does the greater part of Indo-China> 
is on too small a scale to l)e at all adequate. C. G. S. 



Siam. Thompson. 

Lotus Land. By P. A. Tliompson, M.A., A.M.I.C.E., late of the Royal QQ 
Survey Department, Siam. London : Werner Laurie, 1906. Pp. xii -h 312. UV 
23 X 15 cm. Price 16*. 

Mr. Thompson has produced a readable book which forms a useful addition to 
Mr. CampV>eirs more comprehensive Siam in the Twentieth Century, Its most 
interesting part, at all events to ethnologists, is the introduction, which gives shape> 
perhaps too definite a shape, to the conjectures of M. Aymonier and others regarding 
the origin of the races inhabiting this corner of Asia, while the author adds a theory 
of his own as to the nature of the people who produced the wonderful collection of 
buildings at Angkor. Some centuries before the Christian era the country now called 
Cambodia is held to have been occupied by races mainly of " Caucasic " origin, who 
were civilised by contact with settlers from Southern India. It is suggested that 
these were fused later on with a Mongolian race from the north, to which the author 
gives the name of " Proto-Malays." The result was the Khmer or Cambodian 
empire, which flourished from the seventh to the thirteenth centiu*y (p. 16). 
M. Aymonier infers from inscriptions that the Khmer kings moved their capital about 
the beginning of this period to the north of the great lakes which lie across the 
present frontier of Siam and CamV)odia, and Mr. Thompson argues with some show 
of reason that this migration may have been due to an invasion by an advance 
guard of the Tai-Shan race, from which the rulers were thenceforth drawn. The 
energy of the conquerors, making use of the resources of a long-civilised community 
and aided by artificers from Northern India, may well have produced buildings of 
which a gloomy vastness and grandeur appears to be the chief characteristic. A 
parallel naturally suggests itself in the Gothic architecture of Europe. 

The use of the word " Caucasic " is somewhat misleading to the general reader,^ 
who might infer that Kuis, Karens, Khas, and Kachius (" Kakhyens "), who are all 
described as Caucasic, are racially connected with the white peoples of Europe. It 
is, however, better than " Aryan," which is properly a linguistic term and only 
causes confusion by its application to races. There is no objection to the word so 
long as it is understood to mean a type with oval face, straight eyes, low cheek- 
bones, high-ridged nose, &c., wherever it may be found and whatever its colour. 

*' Ethnologists tell us that the cradle land of the human race was a tropical 
" continent, of which Java, Borneo, Sumatra, and the Malay Peninsula formed 
" parts " (p. 6). This statement seems to unply a general agreement among 
ethnologists which by no means exists, even as regards the supposition that man had 
a cradle-land. Thus Dr. Deniker says : — " The whole of this ancient controversy 
between monogenists and polygenists seems to be completely sterile and futile 
. . . Perhaps in tiie more or less near future, when we shall have a better 
" knowledge of preseut and extinct races . . . we shall be able to discuss the 

[ '52 ] 



k4 



1907.] MAN. [No. 39. 

" question of origin. At the present time we are confined to hypothesis without a 
" single positive fact for the sohition of the problem " {Races of Man^ p. 7). The 
statement is based on arguments put forward by Mr. A. H. Keane in his two 
ethnological treatises. Mr. Keane's reasoning is not always easy to follow, but the 
arguments appear to be as stated below : — 

(i) The conditions most favourable for the development of primitive man would 
presumably be most favourable also for the development of the existing species most 
nearly allied to man. And, as such species would naturally be less migratory 
than primitive man, we may expect to find them still in the region in which he was 
developed. As a matter of fact, we find them on the islands which form the remains 
of the submerged continent and nowherf^ else. This raises a presumption that the 
submerged continent is the region in which man was developed. 

(ii) Similarly, we may suppose that the species still more nearly allied to man, 
which presumably existed, but of which no trace has yet been found, occupied the 
region of his development. And it may be inferred from their complete disappearance 
that they occupied a large area of land which has also disappeared. But we know of 
no such large area except the submerged continent. 

(iii) Lastly, human remains have been found in a pliocene bed in Java, but nowhere 
else in strata of so early a period. This strengthens the supposition that, at one stage 
of his development, man existed in the submerged continent of which Java formed a 
part, but nowhere else. 

Mr. Keane's authority is also quoted for the statement on p. 21 that phonetic 
decay resulted in tones being employed to denote differences of meaning. This theory 
is rejected by Mr. Henry Sweet, who says {History of Language^ 1900, p. 94) : — "The 
" real explanation of the apparent use of word-tones for purposes of differentiation is 
'' the exact opposite. It was the development of tone-distinctions that led to the 
" carelessness of articulation and the multiplication of what without the tones would be 
" homonyms." What Mr. Keane says is, in effect, that different polysyllabic words have 
been reduced to monosyllables identical except for the difference in tone. He adds that 
there are five tones, and that " each term " (i.e , monosyllable) " thus acquires five 
distinct meanings." The word " acquires " seems to be used loosely. The meanings 
were, of course, always distinct. Nor is it likely that the monosyllables were ever quite 
identical in sound. It is not difficult to understand how the emphasis on the accented 
syllable of a word may have survived in the form of a tone when the remaining syllables 
were lost. As a matter of fact, the only tone in frequent use in the simpler and pro- 
bably more primitive Burmese tonic system is hardly distinguishable from our accent 
or emphasis. We may compare also the French pccher (peccare) and pecher (piscari). 
What is expressed in French by a slight difference in the pronunciation of the vowel 
would be expressed in Chinese by a difference in tone or pitch. 

The form Siam is derived on p. 22 from the Portuguese Siao, which is said to 
be the same word as Shan. This seems unnecessary. The people of Mergui, which 
was the principal port of Siam in the seventeenth century, pronounce the name of 
the race (Shan or Siamese) " Shidm," and this is no doubt the older form, the transition 
to " Shan " being a natural one in Burmese. 

A curious mistake is made in the footnote on p. 26. Margen is undoubtedly the 
same as Mirgim, but Mirgim is not Ratburi but Mergui, whi(;h appears in old writers 
as Mergim, Mergen, &c., perhaps through misreading the word in manuscript. 
Mr. Thompson has evidently not seen Dr. Anderson's Ejiglish Intercourse with Siam, 
a model work of its kind, at once fascinating and scholarly, which tells of the murder 
of sixty English merchants at Mergui in 1687. Tenasserini, of which Mergui was 
the seaport, is now only a village, but was for long the gateway of the most direct 
route to the Far East, commodities being brought bv sea from India and the Persian 

[ .13 ] • 



Wos. 39-40.] MAN. [1907. 

Gulf to meet those carried overland from Siam proper and China. It was described 
in the voyages of Tristan d'Acunha, early in the sixteenth century, as the first mart 
for spices in India, and Duarte Barbosa says its ships were to be seen at Cape 
Guardafui. 

The main part of the book begins with a lively and well-balanced picture of 
Bangkok and its neighbourhood. Justice is done to the wonderful coloured roofs of 
the religious buildings, made possible by the use of glazed tiles, which are hardly 
known in the neighbouring country of Burma. On land matters Mr. Thompson writes 
with special knowledge. He describes an excellent system, and if, as seems likely, 
tlie deltaic forests are about to be brought under cultivation as in Lower Burma, 
there ought to be a great future for the Siamese revenue. He does not say how 
far pioneers are encouraged by exemption from taxation. When once the cost of 
clearing has been worked oif, land revenue is not a tax but a rent, and is hardly 
felt by the farmer, who, if he did not pay the amount to Government, would sooner 
or later pay it to a landlord. The rate appears to be extremely low, but will no doubt 
be raised as the population increases and means of communication improve ; unless, 
indeed, this is prevented by the rich officials who are described on p. 182 as taking 
up and subletting large blocks of land. The tax would, of course, fall entirely on 
them, and not on their tenants. The elephant hunt described in Chapter X is curious, 
and probably unique, for half-tame elephants can hardly exist in such numbers in 
any other country. 

Perhaps the next writer on Siam will make some attempt to compare its manners 
and customs with those of neighbouring peoples. The most central of the countries 
of Further India, and permeated by Indian influence to an even greater extent than 
those which lie to the west of it, Siam has probably few customs which are peculiar 
to its people, and it would be interesting to know with which of the surrounding races, 
if any, they are held in common. Such information would be of great service in 
determining the origin and affinities of the races of pouth-eastern A^ia. R. G. B. 



Folklore. Eckenstein. 

Comparative Studies in Nursery Rhymes. By Lina Eckenstein. London : J A 
Duckworth & Co., 1906. "lU 

Miss Eckenstein has put together a very interesting popular account of a large 
number of nursery rhymes in a form which deserves to attract many to whom the 
subject is novel. It is beyond doubt that many childish rhymes, especially those 
employed in childish games, as well as the games themselves, are of high antiquity, 
descending from customs and institutions of a more serious character. A judicious 
selection of such rhymes is here mnde, and at attempt is made to trace their relations 
with one another and their origin without the minute comparisons which are necessary 
in a more strictly original investigation, but which would be tedious in a work intended 
for a different class of readers. The authoress has, of course, made use of Mrs. Gomme^s 
important work on Traditiofial Games^ and she has used it wisely and well. Moreover, 
the list of authors consulted and the numerous citations throughout the volume show 
that her inquiries have by no means been confined to one authority, but have been 
widely extended. She is perhaps a little too much inclined to assume relations which, 
if they exist, need much stronger proof. There is no evidence, for example, that the 
rhyme of " Robin and Richard were two pretty men " had any reference to the hunting 
of the wren ; and to trace the name of Sally Waters to Aquse Soils is a speculation 
somewhat far-fetched. Dr. Sacheverell was anything but " a nonconformist minister." 

E. SIDNEY HARTLAND. 

Piintcd by Kyrk AND Spottiswoodk, His Majesty's Printers, East Hanling Street, E.G. 



1907.] . MAN. [No. 4t 

ORIGINAL ARTICLES. 
Chile. With Plate E. Evans. 

On Pottery Fragments found at Taltal, Northern Chile. By 11 

Oswald H, Evans J F.G,S, ^1 

In a previous paper (Man, 1906. 12) I gave a general description of the pre- 
Spanish antiquities found scattered' over the surface or taken from graves excavated 
in the raised beaches of Taltal. In the present note it is proposed to deal in more 
detail with the pottery, which falls readily into distinct classes. 

The first class is characterised by extreme rudeness. A complete specimen has 
already been described as being " scooped out of a mass of clay . . . with rounded 
*' base and totally devoid of ornament." 

I found subsequently another such rough vessel near a rifled grave, and fragments 
of a third. The Araucanians of Southern Chile made periodical visits to the graves 
of their relatives with offerings of food and "chicha" wherewith to appease the 
possibly malevolent spirits of the departed, and it is not unlikely that these crude 
bowls were carelessly made for a similar purpose by the Changos of Taltal. It is 
interesting to note in this connection that the lower-class Chileiios of the present 
day pay respect to the places where men have met with violent ends, by accident or 
murder. These sites are spoken of as " animas," and may be readily detected by 
mounds of candle grease, match boxes, and old tins, the latter being used as wind 
screens to shield the candles from being blown out. 

The second class of pottery is of far better quality. Although exhibiting coarse- 
ness of texture, the smoothness of the surface being marred by large grains of sand 
and flakes of mica, the numerous large, well-curved fragments indicate that the pots 
were of good form and sometimes of considerable size. In the majority of instances, 
however, the sherds are about a quarter of an inch thick, usually rather badly baked, 
and showing on both surfaces the marks of the tool. Sometimes the interior is coated 
with a smooth slip of unbaked clay, probably in order to make the pots capable of 
holding water (a scarce commodity in Taltal), and many of them have holes bored in 
their upper portions by which they might be suspended. In colour this earthenware 

is dull brown, and, to judge from the examination of hundreds of samples, never 
ornamented in any way. In my former paper I referred to the striking absence of 
incised ornament. No example was discovered. When handles are present they are 

small, and, being weakly attached, break ofl* readily. Having compared the material of 
these pots with the impure clay which is found in thin beds in a few places near 

Taltal, the conclusion was formed that this kind of pottery was most probably of local 

manufacture. 

Class III comprises a finer variety of pottery, thoroughly fired, usually deep red 

in colour, and having its smooth and glossy surface covered with painted ornament. 

Many of the vessels took the shape of shallow bowls and dishes ; the more globular 

forms have " flared " rims, small handles placed close to the rim, and slightly concave 

bottoms. 

By far the most common design employed is the freehand spiral shown in the 

plate in Figs, ix, x, xi, and xii. The spirals are drawn with freedom and boldness, 

invariably in a black pigment, which proves on examination to be oxide of manganese. 

The design is so common that it may well indicate that there was a division of labour 

in the tribe, and that many of the examples may be the work of the same hand. 

The ornament, curiously enough, is usually applied to the inside as well as the outside 

of the vessel, whfen its form admitted of it. 

This feature is mentioned by Charles Ran (quoted by E. T. Stevens, Flint Chips^ 

1870) as characteristic of the pottery found at Chahokia Creek, near St. Louis. The 

[ 65 ] 



No. 4t] MAN. [1907. 

spiral usually occur!- alone, but is sometimes associated with the " crescent " (Fig. xvi) 
and the undulating line, as in Fig. xvii. If this pattern ever represented any natural 
object it has certainly become highly conventional. Fig. xiii is interesting, since it 
is executed upon pottery of greatly superior texture. The "draught-board" pattern 
of Fig. VIII is ill-painted, the pigment being easily scraped off owing to its coarse- 
ness. Whilst the spiral pattern occurs on nine out of ten pieces, the design shown 
in Fig. XIV is unique. 

A peculiar interest attaches to Figs, ii and in, these being almost the only 
examples found of any attempt to depict animals. Crude as the drawing is, the artist 
has hit off the alert air of the wily guanaco in such manner as would indicate an 
intimate acquaintance with the creature's appearance and habits. 

Finally, we find along the Taltal coast a class of pottery far superior to the 
varieties already described. It is very rare, and unfortunately, I have only met with 
small, isolated fragments of it. Usually of slight thickness and of beautifully polished 
surface, it is painted in three colours on a deep red or pale buff body made of pure 
clay without visible admixture of sand. 

Fig. I represents a human hand, painted on buff-coloured pottery, which probably 
formed part of a complete figure. Long and often repeated search in the rain-gully 
where I chanced upon this tantalising fragment, failed to reveal any more of it. With 
Fig. XV, I was rather more fortunate, obtaining thirty-two small chips which, when 
cemented together, made up about the half of a shallow bowl painted round the inside 
rim only in black and red on a buff ground. Fig. vii is part of another fragile 
buff-coloured vessel with chequered ornamentation. 

In Figs. IV, V, VI the design,* a modification of the favourite spiral, is skilfully 
painted in black, white, and red on a ground of deep red. Occasionally the whole 
surface is covered with a white " slip." Admirable as the workmanship of these 
latter examples may be, there is still no evidence of the use of the wheel in their 
manufacture. 

In Taltal, as elsewhere in the coast regions, the strong point of the earlier 
peoples appears to have lain in their pottery making. 

It is a difficult matter to go beyond a bare description of these fragmentary 
relics of prehistoric art to venture upon theories as to their origin. Strange as it may 
appear that a tribe still in the Stone Age (for it is almost certain that the remains- 
just described are contemporaneous with the implements of chalcedony, diorite, and 
bone with which they are associated) should manufacture pottery of so refined a 
character, grave difficulties seem to me to be involved in the supposition that the finer 
qualities were imported. 

Among the difficulties I would enumerate the following : — 

There is a total absence of any attempt at moulded ornament in the hundreds^ 
of fragments I have examined. 

The black ware so characteristic of the Peruvian coast peoples is wanting. 

The ornament presents features differing from that of the civilisations of the 
north, and there is an absence of fragments referable to the common shapes of the 
" Peruvian " ware. 

Speaking with due caution, I am inclined to credit the old " Taltalinos " them- 
selves with the manufacture of all these varieties of the ceramic art. This opinion, 
however, is based on a collection made over a limited area, and is put forward subject 
to correction from others more competent to pronounce judgment on the obscure 
problems of South American archteology. OSWALD H. EVANS, 

• The ///// on Fi^ns. iv, v, VI, = deep red. 

[ 66 ] 



1907.] MAN. [No. 42. 

Australia. Lang. 

Australia: Prayer. A Reply to ^'Man," 1907. 2. By Andrew Lang. 14 

The address of the ladv who — while still Mrs. Langloh Parker — wrote ■" 
The Euahlayi Tribe is : " Mrs. Percival Stow, Adelaide, South Australia." I cannot 
douht that she will do her hesl, from niemorv, and from any contemporary notes which 
she may possess, to answer questions which Mr. Marett may send to her 

If he consults her two volumes of Australian Legendary Tales (Nutt) perhaps 
he may find earlier versions of what she has heard ahout prayer among the Euahlayi. 
The hooks are not in my possession here (St. Andrews). 

I only know, of course, what is to be found in The Euahlayi Tribe, and what 
the author told me orally. Mr. Marett " does not question the bona Jides of the 
" authoress." But he finds in her work (p. 79) what seems to him " a bad case of 
colouring." It is necessary to quote him textually : — 

" Finally, is Mrs. Langloh Parker a reporter capable of refraining from asking 
leading questions, colouring what she is told, and so on ? Let me call attention to 
the following passage (p. 79) : ' Though we [may] say that actually these people 
' have but two attempts at prayers, one at the grave and one at the inner Boorah 
* ring, I think, perhaps, we are wrong. These two seem the only ones directly 
' addressed to Byamee. But perhaps it is his indirect aid which is otherwise 
' wished. Daily set prayers seem to them a foolishness and an insult, rather than 
' otherwise, to Byamee. He knows ; why weary him by repetition, disturbing the 
' rest he enjoys after his earth labours ? ' The italics are mine. To me this seems 
a bad case of colouring. Or else the Euahlayi have been proselytised." 

I do not, and when I revised Mrs. Stow's MS. I did not, regard this passage as 
"a bad case of colouring," but as a speculative statement of the author, containing 
her ideas as to what passes " at the back of the black man's mind." The passage 
begins : "I think, perhaps, we are wrong," on a certain point, and is continued in the 
same speculative way : " I think, if we really understood," " I fancy," and so on. 

Mrs. Stow does not pretend that any native informants told her that, to them, 
" daily set prayers seem a foolishness and an insult, rather than otherwise, to 
Byamee." This statement, as I have always understood her, she means to be taken 
as her own inference from what she has been told by natives about Byamee, and 
about the rarity of prayers to him. 

Doubtless the author will tell Mr. Marett, if he asks her, whether my interpre- 
tation of the words be correct or not. 

Why Mr. Marett says that, if the statement about the native opinion of the foolish- 
ness of " daily set prayers " be a correct statement of fact, then " the Euahlayi 
" have been proselytised," I do not know. From the missionaries of what form of 
Christianity can they have picked up the opinion ? Does Mr. Marett mean that they 
have been proselytised into the idea of prayer, but have, off their own bats, evolved 
the notion that " daily set prayers " are foolishness ? In any case, the existence of 
this opinion of theirs I conceive to be offered by our author merely as her own infer- 
ence. She seldom speculates; remarking, "I dare say little with an air of finality 
" about black people; I have lived too much with them for that" (p. 141). 

Mrs. Stow possibly cites more than " two occasions when, perhaps, prayer occurs." 
According to her information " Byamee is supposed to listen to the cry of an orphan 
" for rain." But the prayer, Gullee Boorboor, " water come down," does not include 
an invocation of the name of Byamea ; he is only " supposed to listen to it," the 
invocator "looking at the sky" (p. 8). The evidence for prayer for the soul of a 
dead man, at his fuueral, is that of " Old Hippi " (p. 89). " He explaioed that 
" the service was not what it would have been some years ago ; " and Mrs. Stow, 
from her own observation in earlier years (some fifteen years earlier), knew that 

[ 67 ] 



No. 42.] MAN. [1907. 

funerals were of a more ceremonial sort in these days. I am sorry that the ipsissitna 
verba are not here reported — we scarcely ever get them from anyone — hut I think, from 
memory, that the words of such a prayer are given in Australian Legendary Tales, 

As to the prayer at the Boorah, I understand tbat of the Boorah our author, 
with Mr. Langloh Parker, saw no more than she describes in pp. 64, 65. All the 
rest of her information I understand to have been derived from old men, one of 
whom, "as the greatest thing he could do," chanted to her the Bjamee song; 
which is so old as to be no longer translatable (p. 80). If, however, the song was 
transmitted, with the corroboree, from another tribe, the hymn may never have been 
intelligible to the Euahlayi. I conceive the information about the Boorah prayer to 
have been obtained by our author exactly as the hymn was obtained. Mrs. Stow 
informed me that some blacks told her all that they could tell, or chose to tell, in 
a mosquito-proof hut, on the top of a hillock, where they could be perfectly certain 
that no listener was within earshot. Her information was (p. 80) that the Byamee 
hymn was chanted " when the prayer was over." I have, personally, no doubt that 
the author was thus informed about the Boorah prayer, uttered by " the old Wir- 
" reenun, his head turned to the east, facing the direction where the dead are mostly 
" buried " (p. 79). I neither suppose that our author invented all this nor that her 
informants lied. 

As to the "missionary influence," I only know what our author says. The 
nearest missionary station was a hundred miles away, and was founded after she 
settled among the Euahlayi, and her chief informants were the old men (p. 2). 
That natives of distant tribes, under missionary influence, introduced the Boorah 
prayer and eastern posture, and prayers for the deiul — and no more — is a theory 
which I cannot disprove. It is easy for M. Marett to find out the nearest Catholic 
missionary station. Personally I do not suppose that missionary teaching has any 
where affected the ancient Boorah rites. My own remark alK)ut " the decadent 
form " of the Boorah rites (p. 8) is a mere personal obiter dictum for which I have 
no authority. I suppose that, in fact, I was thinking of the decadent funeral rites 
(p. 89). Probably enough the rites are extinct by this time. 

Mr. Marett asks, " is Mrs. Langloh Parker a reporter capable of refraining from 
" asking leading questions ? " On that point he had better pu^ his question to our 
author. Is she " capable of refraining from colouring what she is told, and so on ? " 
About " so en" I have no opinion, but I am convinced that she is as incapable of 
consciously " colouring what she is told " as any of our best witnesses. When she 
began to make inquiries she " believed in Mr. Herbert Spencer's ' ghost theory ' of 
" the origin of religion " (p. 3). I think she coloured nothing to suit the theory in 
which she believed. 

As to prayers we have Mr. Howitt's account of " dances round the clay figure " 
of Daramulun, " and the invocating of his name by medicine men," which "certainly 
" might have led up to it " (to " worship of Daramulun ") {Xative Tribes of South' 
East Australia^ pp. 507, 508), and we have whatever may be thought of Dieri appeals 
to the Mura-mura for rain (ibid,^ p. 396, " the Dieri also supplicate the Mura-mura 
to restrain the rain"). Mr. Marett, if he pleases, can fall back on the theory of 
missionary influence, adducing sufficient proof that, in ascertained cases, European beliefs 
have actually contaminated Australian rites. With his desire for ipsissima verba^ for 
statements taken down, in whatever language the native informant speaks, by a steno- 
grapher (or in a phonograph), I am in the warmest sympathy. Our author (p. 3) 
tells us exactly how^ and by what method of interpreters, checking each other, she got 
her information, in some cases. I wish that other inquirers were as explicit. 

Since writing these remarks I have observed that in my Magic and Religion 
(pp 35-39) I quote from a copv sent to me by Mrs. Percival Stow, about 1900, 

[ 68 ] 



1 

J 

I 

p 
1 

t 


1 

907 

Ir. B 

ai' th 
uch 
nd ' 
I 
assnj 
emi, 

hat 
1 

>..- d 

ndi 

Qa 


] MAN. 

al of the Riir/al Sofiely of jVcir South fVahs). Mr. Ma 
o dMwl i aud it ia clear that his tribe had wonis alao cum 
tis "Baiaine" for "Byamoo" (the penultimate is «hori, M 
BuHimau " for " Bullima." 

have erii.icised Mr- Manning's uuhicky use of Athanas 
^e cited, aud in the semnd edition of Mj/th, RlluaU and 
[ht as well have nseil rbe terminology of the Olympian relig 
nay suggest that our author liorrowud her facts and opin 
s not my belief. 

u Magic and Religion (p. 36) J erroneously represent 
. /«»/.. 1892. p. 2S2) as quoting nn esciipo-.! coovift 
end. 


[Nob. 42 43 

tibli>.hed in 1883 in the 
inin^ mentions prayer 
nl amung the Enahlayi 
r. Kidley says. Baiilme) 

an terraiuology in my 
Rfligion, showing tha 
ion. The highest crili 
ous from Mr. Manning 

d Mr. Ridley {Journ 

or native prayers fo 
ANDREW LANG 

Dalton 

fco-Roman world Tt 
rn influence is clearlj 
B, The annexed figur 




I 


a. 

ndhara Sculptures. B;/ 0. M. DaUon, M.A., F.S.A 

'he iiidtdiU'diiuj^s ni (lie urt of Gaudhara to that of the Gn 
natter of common knowledt;e. but details iu which W'cet 
ent are worth rei-ordjng, whenever they come under nolle 


2 






J 


i 


*■- - -7 — 


n 


iyLlSP^^^'^^'^^k: 


■: -_M 


11 ^ 


i 


epresonts it ttmall pBuel, in the iismtl grev i^cliiat, from un unknown loculily on th 
orth-wt'steni fronlier, purclmseil b/ the Brilish MuBeum in IIKM. The band o 
rnamenl along the top, probably derived from the laurel wreath or garland of Roma 
calpture, and the columns witli their cupUala in the debased uuanlhas descended fron 
lose of the Corialbian order, may be dismissed us of too frequent occurrence U 
equire any comment. But the scroll held by the 8eat«i figure ia leas (common, and 1 
robalily copied from the Hellenistlt; rather than from tlie Oriental lype of MS 
vhile an exceptional interest attaches to the seat upon which the righl-hnud figur 
g sittiug. This isi a folding stool with cnr^•ed legs, of a kind in oommon use hot 
n Greece and Rome, hut not in the Eatt. I am not awure that any ancient India 
haira had thia form ; they were probably more like the wooden seat brought b 
[ GK ] 



Nos. 43-44.] MAN. [1907. 

Dr. Stein from Turkestan and now exhibited in tho British Museum. The form seen 
upon this sculpture is most familiar as that of the sella curulis of the higher Roman 
magistrates, which was essentially a portable seat, without either arms or back. It is 
represented upon numerous Roman monuments, and allied forms are seen upon those 
of the Early Christian period — for example, upon carvings in ivory. As this stool is 
most nearly allied to those of the Roman imperial period, the evidence of this small 
relief is in harmony with the modern theory, which assigns the Gandhara sculptures 
to the earliest centuries of our era. O. M. DALTON. 



Wales. Lewis. 

Modern Druids in Wales. By A. L, Lewis, F.C.A. MM 

There is a remarkable collection of stones on the common at Pontypridd, on ^T 
high ground, about a mile east from the town. Firstly, there is a rocking stone, which 
moves when sufficient pressure is properly applied to it, and which is probably a work 
of nature. Secondly, this rocking stone has been surrounded by a circle, about 42 feel 
in diameter, of twenty-seven stones, with a dozen more which look like the remains of 
a concentric inner circle ; these stones average about 3 feet in height. Thirdly, to this 
circle have been added two small curved avenues, forming the head and tail of a serpent, 
the head-end crossing a little stream, nearly dry when I was there, but doubtless much 
larger after a heavy rain. Fourthly, the head of the serpent has been adorned with 
three long flat stones, placed in the position of the three sacred rays of light, and with 
two stones, the tops of which are cut into discs and ornamented with various hiero- 
glyphics ; these latter are obviously modern ; the serpent, too, is so extremely Stukeleyan 
in its arrangements, and the stones composing it are so small, that a strong conviction 
possesses the beholder that it cannot be older than Stukeley himself — say 150 years at 
the outside. But the circle certainly seems older than its appendages, for the entry 
to it from the tail of the serpent is blocked by one of its stones-; and if the circle 
were really an ancient monument it would be particularly interesting, as proving what at 
present we only suspect, namely, that the builders of the circles did make some sort of 
use of the rocking stones. Such of the inhabitants as I was able to interrogate affirmed 
with one accord that all these structures were as old as the hills around them, and had 
even been there in the days of their grandfathers, though one — not a native — made an 
exception against the two discs, which others called the eyes of the serpent, and said the 
Druids told the time of dav bv them. On returning home I, of course, consulted the 
EiicyclopcBdia Bntannica, \\'\\\{\\ edition, 1885, which says of Pontypridd, "Near the 
" town is a far-famed rocking stone, 9^ tons in weight, surrounded by so-called Druidical 
" remains,'^ a statement which is not supplemented in the tenth edition, published in 
1902. I ixUo looked up Pontypridd in Johnstoti^s Gazetteer, published in 1868, and 
found it mentioned a " Druidic circle" in connection with it, so that it appeared that, as 
far back as 1868, at least, these stones were regarded as ancient works. Still, I could 
not swallow that serpent, so I wrote to the Incumbent of Pontypridd, who kindly passed 
my letter on to a neighbour, who, under the name of Morien, is a prolitic writer on latter- 
day " Druidism,'' and he has informed me that both the serj)ent and the circle were set 
up about fifty years ago by the late Myfyr Morganwg, " Archdruid,'' who died in 1888, 
aged eighty-eight. Another informant also writes, "The circ'les were formed about 1851 
" by Evan Jones, known as ' Myfyr Morganwg,' who was by occMipation a watchmaker 
" in the town ; otherwise he was the recipient of much antiquarian lore from 'lolo 
" Morganwg,' the copyist of so many Bardic and other manuscripts, the originals mostly 
" being of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, though some were of earlier date. 
" Myfyr added to lolo's store nniny ideas of his own, or borrowed from Stukeley and 
" other writers of the ' Dracontic Circle ' era ; he gathered about him a few disciples of 
" his Neo-Druidic cult, and at last designed and erecteil, with their help, a doul>le circle 

[ 70 ] 



1907.] MAN. [No. 44. 






*' around the rockiiig-stone, with, in addition, an avenue of stones, east and west, placed 
so as to represent a serpent with the head to the west, symholising the course of the 
sun from its rising to its setting ; in the head he placed two eye-stones, slanting to the 
" west, protruding from the earth ahout 18 inches, upon which he carved on the one 
" the 'omphalos,' hordered hy a snake, tail in mouth; on the other certain letters of 
" the ' Bardic alphahet.' At this shrine Myfyr and his followers met at the solstices 
'^ and equinoxes, and made addresses upon the symholism and other matters ; there also 
*' many Gorscddan of the present type have been held, and at one of these, about 1860, 
'* the air and verses now received as the Welsh national anthem were first performed 
" and sung." My informant then goes on to say that the rocking-stone was frequently 
a place for public meeting, and that there may possibly have been an old circle round it, 
but that he has not been able to find any conclusive evidence to that effect. 

Now if it be asked why, under these circumstances, I have occupied this space 
in Man in writing about a modern and utterly worthless construction, I will say 
in reply that these stones are not only mentioned as antiquities in the Encyclopcedia 
Britannica and Johtiston^s Gazetteer^ but were mentioned to me two years ago, by a 
clergyman near London, as an instance of the correctness of the serpent theory, and 
that, unless their true origin be placed on record, there is much reason to fear that 
in a few years they may come to be regarded — the disc and long stones only excepted — 
as genuine antiquities, and entirely erroneous inferences may be drawn from them. 

This also seems to be a suitable opportunity for pointing out that, whatever 
fragments of antique tradition may be in the possession of the modern professors ol 
Druidism, a knowledge of the original manner of using the British circles is not amongst 
them. Some years ago I had some correspondence with Myfyr Morganwg, the 
venerable ''Arehdruid" who set up the Pontypridd serpent, and he kindly sent me a 
work of 120 pages in small print, apparently full of learned and abstruse doctrine, 
which, being in Welsh, is entirely beyond my comprehension, as I am unfortunately 
quite ignorant of the language of my ancestors. Myfyr Morganwg's book is, however, 
full of the three mystic lines or rays of light, which are the original form of the 
government mark known as the '* broad arrow," and it also contains an illustration of 
an application of them to a stone circle, representing three rays of light falling upon 
the centre of a circle from the north-east, east, and south-east respectively, all being 
points to which I have found special reference made in various circles (though chiefly 
to the north-east). So far, therefore, so good ; but, in the middle of the circle, we see 
the Archdruid standing on a large stone, and in an illustration to a book, sent to me 
by "Morien," we also find him in the same position, and Morien, who fortunately 
writes in English, insists that a capstone supported upon three uprights is a necessary 
addition to the centre of every circle. Now there is no circle that I know with a 
dolmen in the middle, except little circles which have surrounded sepulchral tumuli, 
nor is there a flat stone in any, except the so-called altar stone at Stonehenge. There 
have been at Avebury and at Arborlow three-sided open shrines or " coves " in the 
centres of the circles, but these were not covered ; and in ^vq other circles there 
have been single stones standing in the middle, but they were not such as anyone 
could stand upon, while in the other English and W^elsh circles I have visited, more 
than thirty in number, including all the larger ones, there is nothing whatever in the 
centre, nor any reason to suppose that there ever has been anything there. 

In many of the Scottish circles there are the remains of a tomb in the middle, 
and I have suggested to Morien, as the simplest way of reconciling his views with 
the facts as shown by ancient remains, that some of the Druids on being driven out 
of eastern Britain into Wales found a broken-up tumulus with a cist in the middle 
and small circle or retaining wall outside, and made use of it as represented by him 
n his picture, and that this use or misuse may have continued in Wales, though it 

[ 71 ] 



Nos. 44-45.] MAN. [1907. 

certainly never existed in England, where neither his three-legged cromlech, nor 
Myfyr Morganwg's flat stone are to be found in the middle of any circle. And on 
consideration I see no reason why this may not have been so. We believe, and have 
good reason for believing, that the rude stone monuments originated in the neolithic 
stone period, but there is also much reason to believe that they were used more or 
less continuously, and sometimes, no doubt, in very different ways from their original 
objects, during the long ages that have passed since then. Had it not been so it is 
difficult to suppose that they would have been even so well preserved as many of 
them still are ; superstitious fears in many cases prevented their receiving much 
damage up to about two centuries ago, but would those fears have lasted all the 
while from the neolithic age if they had not been reinforced from other sources in 
the interval ? As an instance of this possible secondary use I may mention a 
statement with regard to Lanyon Quoit in Cornwall : — " Lanyon signifies the 
" ' enclosure of On,' the Arkite divinity, and therefore exactly implies what all 
" cromlechs were intended to be — representations of the Noachic Ark .... in 
" it were performed various ceremonies relating to the Bardic orders, with a reference 
" to the great event of the deluge, and the primary one of these was the sheathing 
" of a sword as a token of their being devoted to peace, and insulated from all the 
" parties and disputes of the world ; being peculiarly dedicated to the Arkite genius^ 
" it was entitled Maen Cetti, the stone of Cetti or the Ark, and the raising of it 
" was, according to the triads, one of the three mighty labours of the Isle of Britain ; 
" in it were celebrated all the mysteries of Ceridwen or Cetti, and in it her mystical 
" cauldron was said to be warmed by the breath of nine damsels." (This, of course, 
reminds us of the name " Nine Maidens " so often given to circles.) " Here the 
" adventurous aspirants beheld some of the mysteries of Druidism, when admitted 
" behind the veil which on such occasions was hung over its entrance." * 

Most archaeologists agree that Lanyon Quoit, and, as some say, all dolmens, or 
as I am willing to admit, nearly all dolmens, were sepulchral chambers, but after 
all is it not quite likely that, having been broken into and left desolate, they may 
have been used by some succeeding generations which were perchance quite ignorant 
of their original use, as divinely provided sanctuaries for their own mystic rites ? 
K this be admitted we can also admit that our modern "Druids" may have some 
slight foundation for their expressed belief, not as to the primary or original, but as 
to the secondary or later use of some of our rude stone monuments, even though that 
foundation may be very ill-proportioned to the romantic superstructures that have been 
reared upon it. A. L. LEWIS. 



Africa, South-East: Zimbabwe. Torday. 

Note on the Review of Dr. Randall - Maciver's " Mediaeval J C 
Rhodesia," In the Literary Supplement of ''The Times," April aW 
6th, 1906. Jiy E, Torday^ Local Correspondent of the Anthropological Institute, 
In the Literary Supplement of The Times of April 6th, 1906, appeared a critique 
of MedicBval Rhodesia by Dr. Randall-Mad ver, in which the following words occurred : 
" Is it conceivable that races like the modern Makalanga could have raised such huge 
" and extensive structures ? " Though I have no personal experience of the Makalanga, 
the following instance of the industrial capacity of a primitive tribe, when impelled 
by a*n energetic chief, may be of interest. 

At the point where the Luapula issues from Lake Mwerii the stream is opposed by 
the mountain called Kasangeneke, round which it has to flow in a curve to make its exit 
from the lake. The Wanyamwezi chief, who was formerly established in the district^ 

* Wt:tern Ant'niunry^ November 1884. 
L 72 ] 



1907.] MAN. [Nos. 46-4e. 

attempted to cut a canal behind the mountain, through which the river might is?ue 
from the lake without describing the curve mentioned. It is true that ho was driven 
from the country by the Babemba before he could accomplish his purpose, but enough 
of this work has been accomplished to show clearly that, had he been left undisturbed,, 
he would have been successful. As far as I can judge the completion of such a canal 
would have been a work even more considerable than the erection of the Zimbabwe 
rains. It should be noted that the neck of land through which the excavations for 
the canal had been commenced is of sufHcient firmness and density to resist the strong 
current of the Luapula. E. TORDAY^ 

REVIEWS. 
Embryologry. KoUmann. 

Handatlas der Ejitwickelungsgeschichte des Menschen, Von Julias Koll- J ft 
mann. Jena: Verlag von Gastav Fischer, 1907. 28 x 20 cm. Price 13-50 Til 
marks, or 15 marks (bound), each volume. 

The appearance of Professor Kollmaiurs Atlas of Human Embryology is a very 
appropriate sequel to the earlier descriptive treatise (1898) on this subject by the same 
author. The new work is to appear in parts, of which the first is here under consider- 
ation. The volume is of imposing dimensions and sumptuous appearance. Bearing in 
mind the profusion of illustrations, of which there are more than 300 occupying about 
200 large plates, one can only wonder how this elaborate work could be put on the 
market at the extremely reasonable price charged for it. Surely British publishers 
have something to learn here I 

To return to our volume, we find that the plates are divided into the following 
series, dealing respectively with 

i. The human ovum, 
ii. The first formation of the embryo, 
iii. Embryonic coverings and membranes, 
iv. The external form of the embryo and foetus. 
V. The embryology of the skeleton, 
vi. The embryology of the muscular system. 

The author (in his preface) states that one of his aims has been to provide as 
complete a history as possible from human documents alone. 

After a critical examination of this work, the general verdict can only be one of 
approval. The low price should make it accessible to a wide circle of readers, and 
medical men in particular (for whom the work seems to have been designed) will derive 
much benefit from its study. Having recognised this, a sense of disappointment must 
be admitted, for an atlas of this kind might be made equally of great value to those 
engaged upon researches in embryological and allied studies. Such workers will not find 
the atlas so useful as, with but a little alteration, it might be made. To speak more 
definitely, the selection of subjects for illustration is not equally happy throughout. 
The convenience provided by such an atlas, of being able to compare the classical speci- 
mens of embryos associated with the names of His, v. Spec, and Peters with those of 
the Basle Collection, and the not less interesting but less well-known examples described 
by Eternod, is unquestionable. But, on the other hand, one feels that opportunities of 
reproducing really valuable illustrations have been flung away in the selection of such 
comparatively unessential drawings as those depicted in grand proportions in Figs. 33^ 
94, 95, 121, 122, 126, 127, 131, 149, 172, 173, 221, 222. Our conviction must be 
repeated that chances have here been lost, while the work of such writers as, for 
example, Marchand, Siegenbeek van Heukelom, Hubrecht and Assheton would supply 
ample material for substitution. Again, the excellent and carefully reproduced figures 
by Stevens of the pre-menstnial history of the ovum and Graafian follicle {Obstetrical 

[ 73 ] 



Nos. 46-47.] MAN. [J907. 

Transactions^ Vol. XLV.) might have been laid under contrihution. But indeed, save 
for a sintrle figure from Sir William Turner's work on the placenta, it does not appear 
that appeal has been miule to British publications. To enter into further details, it may 
be added that Fig. 208 excites criticism, having the appearance of a photograph just out 
of focus. Fig. 291 is particularly interesting, for it reveals contact between the first rudi- 
ments of femur and fibula, a condition not admitted by our text-books. Figs. 311 and 
312 are perplexing, in that the descriptions which accompany them seem to have been 
interchanged, so that the description with Fig. 311 should a[)ply really to Fig. 312, and 
vice versa. Finally, it is felt that although the illustrations from the American Journal 
of Anatomy may be rendered absolutely unequivocal in significance by the use of colours 
as here applied, yet this is not really necessary, while the general effect is to destroy 
the very remarkable artistic merit of the original drawings. Such are the impressions 
created by the atlas, which will be welcomed as one tending to fill a well-recognised 
lacnna in the literature of human embryology. Should the foregoing criticisms appear 
to affect details only, it may be remarked that the volume has been subjected to as 
searching an enquiry as the circumstances would admit. 

Professor Kollnninirs second volume has now appeared, and it is convenient to 
add a se[)arate notice, the book having l)ecome accessible only while the notes on the 
first volume were passing through the press. The later volume is equally elaborate 
with the first, and is larger (the price is the same as for the first volume, however), 
containing over 400 illustrations. There can be no hesitation in pronouncing this to 
be an invaluable repository of infornnition. Following the original plan of the work, 
the svstems are illustrated in order. In this volume the alimentarv canal is first dealt 
with, and special attention should be paid to the excellent reproductions (Figs. 363, 
36-4) of Professor Hammar's valuable models of the pharynx in early stages of develop- 
ment. Other useful illustrations are those of the central vessels in the early embryo, 
the descriptions of Mall (Figs. 543, 544) and Coming (Fig. 545) having been used in 
this connection. Professor Dixon (Dublin) contributes one illustration (Fig. 639), and 
Professors Young and Robinson's work provides another (Fig. 748). Beyond this, as in 
the first volume, the researches of our countrymen are not prominent. In the section 
which treats of the ear. Professor Ilammar (Upsala) again provides models — represented 
in Figs. 753, 754, and 755 — of great value. In conclusion, reference should be made 
to the excellent bibliography appended to this work. W. L. H. DUCKWORTH. 



Religions. Anwyl and others. 

Religions Ancient and Modern: Celtic Religion, Bv E<lward Anwyl, M.A. 1"| 
Pp. 69. If 

Tlie Mythology of Ancient Britain and Ireland, By Charles Squire. Pp. 79. 

Religion of Ancient Scandinavia. By W. A. Craigie, M.A. Pp. 72. London : 
Constable, 1906. 17*5 X 12 cm. Price \s. each. 

This most welcome series of monographs on the religions of the world, the first 
four of which were issued in 1905 and noticed in Man, 19D6. 105, continues to 
make steady progress, while maintaining the high standard of excellence of which 
the opening volumes gave pnmiise. These were followed last year by six others : 
Magic and Fetishism (Iladdon), Hinduism (Barnett), Religion of Babylonia and 
Assyria (Pinches), and the three standing at the head of the present notice. Thanks 
to their frequent historic contacts and inter-relations, these naturally present many 
features in connnon, and nniy be conveniently discussed together. 

All the writers recognise one fundamental fact which had hitherto been over- 
looked or too little observed, although on it depends a right understanding of the 
composite character of the religious systems prevalent in Europe throughout historic 
times. When the proto-Aryan groups spread, probably at long intervals, westwards 

[ 74 ] 



1907.] MAN. [No. 47. 

from the Eurasian steppe, they did not find the land a tabula rasa^ but in many 
parts, as in Pannonia, Helvetia, Gaul, and Britain, already occupied by the men of 
the Stone Age.s originally from North Africa. These were not exterminated, but 
for the most part Aryanised in speech and to some extent in general culture by the 
warlike invaders from the east, who, themselves for the most part worshippers of 
the personified forces of Nature and especially those of the upper regions, necessarily 
failed to extirpate the grosser beliefs, the demonologies, and chthonic deities of the 
indigenous populations. Hence the result was a blend of finer and coarser elements, 
which still persists in many places, often presenting the most violent contrasts between 
the lofty conceptions of the ^'Olvmpians" and the crude superstitions and magic 
practices of the votaries of the goddess Nerthus or Erthus and other terrestrial divinities 
(Tacitus). 

All this is well brought out and constantly borne in mind bv Mr. Anwvl in his 
masterly essay on Celtic Religion in Pre-Christian Times, where he remarks that 
" nothing is clearer than the marvellous persistence of traditional and immemorial 
" modes of thought, even in the face of conquest and subjugation, and, whatever ideas 
'• on religion the Aryan conquerors of Celtic lands may have brought with them, they, 
" whose conquests were often only partial, could not eradicate the inveterate beliefs of 
" their predecessors, and the result in the end was doubtless some compromise, or else 
" the victory of the earlier faith'' (p. 5). And again, '' The more the scanty remnants 
'' of Celtic religion are examined, the clearer it becomes that many of its characteristic 
" features had b(»en evolved during the vast period of the ages of stone . . . We 
" are thus comi>elled, from the indications which we have of Celtic religion, in the 
" names of its deities, its rites, and its survivals in folk-lore and legend, to come to 
" the conclusion that its fundamenlal groundwork is a body of ideas, similar to those 
'' of other lands, which were the natural correlatives of the phases of experience 
" through which man passe<i in his emergence into civilised life" (p. 7). 

The rest of the volume may be briefly described as a luminous expansion of this 
broad principle, enriched by many valuable details, especially in the Welsh field. In 
the Irish a little weakness is here and there betrayed, as, for instance, in the omission 
of all reference to Phoenician contacts and influences, of which there can be no 
reasonable doubt. In this connection it may be pointed out that no allusion is made 
by any of the writers to the late James Bonwick's Irish Druids and Old Irish 
Religions which, if somewhat uncritical, embodies a vast array of data bearing on 
the early religious notions of the Celtic world. Here are copious references to the 
Phoenician phallic rites of pagan times, and to the Phoenician god Baal, as in the 
salutation, Bal Dhia dhuit, "the God Baal be with you," which might still be heard 
on the banks of the Suir almost within the memory of man. 

Although Mr. Squire's fascinating little essay on British and Irish mythologies 
does not profess to supplement Mr. AnwyPs volume, nevertheless it forms a necessary 
sequel to that work, and does largely increase our knowledge of the old Celtic deities, 
as may be at once gathered from the two chapters on the gods of the continental 
and insular Celts. That there should be some overlapping of both spheres was 
indeed inevitable, seeing how closely interwoven are the mythologies and religious 
systems of all cultured peoples. Perhaps the brightest feature of this volume is the 
lucid way in which the gifted writer shows how the dim old heathen legends do not 
die out, but rather receive a fresh lease of life, when they become transformed and 
glorified by the almost inspired touch of the early Christian myth-mongers. Thus 
the cauldron of heathen lore " has altered strangely little in passing down through the 
" centuries to become the Holy Grail which had been filled by Joseph of Arimathea 
" with Christ's blood . . . The savage cooking-pot, which would refuse to serve 
" a coward or perjurer with fooil, has been only refined, not altered, in becoming the 

[ 75 ]' 






tk 
(( 



No. 47.] MAN. [1907. 

heavenly vessel which could not he seen hy sinners, while the older idea is still 
retained in the account of how, when it appeared, it filled the hall with sweet 
savours, while every knight saw hefore him on the tahle the food he loved best. 
Like its pagan prototype, it cured wounds and sickness, and no one could grow 
old while in its presence. Though, too, the place in which it was kept is but 
'' vaguely pictured by Sir Thomas Malory [iu the Mortc IXArthurl, the thirteenth 
century Norman-French romance called the Scint Great preserves all the charac- 
teristics which most strike us in Taliesin's poem " (pp. 75, 76). But space forbids 
to pursue this attractive subject further. 

In the foreword to his Religion of Ancient Scandinavia^ Mr. Craigie tells us 
that his chief endeavour has been to extricate the strictly religious element from the 
voluminous mythologies iu which it has been enveloped by the Icelandic skalds, who, 
themselves poets, and writing in advanced Christian times, were naturally attracted 
more to the poetic and legendary aspects of the subject than to the already half- 
forgotten pagan beliefs of their Norse forefathers. In this he has been fairly successful, 
and we have here almost for the first time a clear and consecutive account of the 
great gods, Thor and Odin, apart from their heroic and legendary associations ; of 
the sul>ordinate gods and goddesses ; of their temples and images ; and lastly a most 
informing chapter on " Ceremonies and Ministers of Religion." 

It is instructive to note that there was no distinct order of priesthood ; the religious 
functions being superintended by persons who also enjoyed temporal authority. First 
came the king, "on whose attitude towards the gods and their worship the prosperity of 
'' his people was believed largely to depend." In virtue of their twofold office these 
priestly chiefs were regarded as divine and called so {go^i from ^o8, god) whence pre- 
sumably the theory of " the divine right of kings " so deeply ingrained in the Teutonic 
temperament. But the priestly office was also hereditary, and could be transferred from 
one chief to another, the position being thus strictly analogous to that of the kings of 
Hawaii and other parts of Polynesia, who were not only rulers and priests in their own 
person, but were also descended from a long line of deified ancestors for whom lengthy 
theogonies and genealogies were prepared and embodied in the local oceanic sagas. In 
Norseland, as in Polynesia, the divine and the human elements thus become inter- 
mingled. Sometimes the gods appear as men and the men as gods, while the theogonies 
are called genealogies, and often merge imperceptibly in the human genealogies as if 
the half-inspired singers, after deriving the deities from mortals, had redressed the 
balance by reversing the process. When we read of the exploits of the lesser 
deities, the vague entities hovering between heaven and earth, the aesir, the nornir 
(Fates), the valkyrjur (war-maidensj, of Frey also and Njord and Baldr, and when 
we are told how Hrafnkel gives Frey joint possession with himself of all his worldly 
goods, we begin to wonder where the line is to be drawn between the human and 
the divine. Even after allowing for the full play of the anthropomorphic concept, 
we have still to ask. Are many of these shadowy beings real gods, or demi-gods, 
or eponymous heroes, or only brave men deified j)erhaps like the war-god Ty, later 
supplanted by Odin ? And Odin himself, our Woden, as in IVednesday^ is in the same 
category, at times an all-powerful god, at times earth of the earth, endowed w^itli 
intensely human attributes. 

Mr. Craigie makes several allusions to human sacrifices, as when the goddess, 
Thorgerd, is appeaseil by the sacrifice of King Hakon's son, and how as many as ninety- 
nine men are immolated at the great gathering held every nine years in Denmark. We 
know, of course, from Cii'sar how universal and how horrible were the holocausts in 
Celtic Gaul, and the question arises. Was the practice intro4luced by the proto-Aryans 
from the East, or borrowed by them from the Eurafrican aborigines ? Borrowings there 
possibly may have been, but they were not needed, since a careful consideration of all 

[ 7J ] 



1907.] MAV. [Nos. 47-48. 

the evidence shows clearly that the trail of hlooJ must have followed the track of the 
invader.^ along all their routes to Northern, Central, and Southern Europe. Wherever 
deep rivers had to he crosse<l during the migrations there hridges had to he built, and as 
this was held to be an offence against the river god, atonement had to be made by the 
sacrifice of the aged, of anybotly above the age of sixty. Hence in Latin sexagenarians 
were called senes depontttni, explained by Festus as those qui sexagenarii de pojite 
dfjiciehantur. This toll was paid on the opening of the bridge, and repeated annually on 
the anniversary of the event, though in later times the so-called argei^ straw effigies as 
priscorum virorum simulacra, were substituted for the living offerings to the river-god. 
This custom, which could not have been borrowed from the Western peoples, prevailed 
everywhere amongst the Itali, the Slavs, and even the Germani, as shown by the Low 
German saying, Kruup uniier^ krunp unnevy de Welt is Di gram, '* Creep under, 
" Creep under, grim to thee is the world." Thus is established the universality of 
human offerings amongst the proto-Aryans before they came in contact with the 
Neolithic populations of Central and Western Europe. A. H. KEANE. 



Scotland : Anthropometry. Tocher. 

The Henderson Trust Reports, I, Anthropometric Survey of the Inmates of IQ 
Asylums in Scotland, Edinburgh, 1905. 28 X 19 cm. 10 

This well-printed volume of anthropological data, collected by Mr. J. F. Tocher 
and his assistants, we largely owe, it is to be presumed, to the veteran Sir Arthur 
Mitchell, K.C.B., and to the late lamented Sir John Sibbald, two of the Henderson 
trustees, as well as to Dr. John Macpherson. The idea was excellent, and the great 
amount of patient labour bestowed by Mr. J. F. Tocher and his helpers most 
praiseworthy. 

The points investigated wore the head-length, head-breadth, and ear-height of 
the insane, their stature, the profile of the nose, and the colour of the eyes and hair. 
The ear-height was taken, rightly as I think, from the centre of the meatus in the 
Anglo-French way ; but whether it was the bregmatic or the maximum height is not 
stated ; probably it was the latter. The hair was unfortunately divided by Mr. Tocher 
under only four categories, black being omitted ; thus it is impossible to compare his 
results accurately with Dr. Browne's in Ireland, or with mine, or with those of the 
German, Russian, Swedish, Austrian, and Italian observers generally. This is the 
more unfortunate, as there are some districts in Scotland — Argyll, for example — where 
black hair is common, and others, such as Tweedside, where it very rarely occurs, 
and these might have been compared with advantage. 

The divisions of Scotland for asylum purposes are in some cases very inconve- 
nient for the anthropologist. Thus the Norse Shetlanders and Caithness men are mixed 
with the eastern Lowland Scotch in the Montrose Asylum, the Galwegians are amalga- 
mated with the more Teutonic Dumfriesshire men, the Islesmen with the maiolanders 
of Argyll, Ross, and Inverness-shire, the Orcadians with the citizens of Edinburgh. 

How far imbeciles and idiots are excluded does not appear. So far as I can 
judge the measurements, though the lengths at least are considerable, are probably 
fairly representative of the general population. In one case, that of Argyll, I can 
produce a kind of test. In fifty-five Highlanders, mostly natives of Argyll and not 
of the upper class, I found a mean length of 200*15 mm., a breadth of 152*6, and a 
cephalic index of 76*27; while the male lunatics yield means of 199*34, 153*06, and 
76*83. The approximation is suflliciently near. I estimate the average skull-capacity 
of my fifty-five Highlanders at 1,514 ccm. ; the Argyll lunatics would give 1,525 by 
Pearson and Lee's favourite process, or 1,550 by their 10 bis process. The smallest 
mean size of head occurs in the Lenzie (Glasgow) Asylum ; it is 1,471 and 1,491 ccm. 

[ 77 ] 



No. 48.] MAN. [1907. 

by the two processes just mentioned ; but against this fact may bo set another, viz., 
that the mean stature of the Argyll lunatics is 66*84 inches (1,698) and of the 
Lenzie men 64*7 inches (1,643), these being the two extremes in the several asylums. 
We knew already that there was much physical degeneration in Glasgow.* 

The order of stature is — Argyll, East Lothian, Roxburgh, Banff, Inverness,^ 
Montrose (with Shetland), Aberdeen, the tallest statures being found in those 
counties where there are no very large towns, or in the Highland and the Anglian 
Border districts if we are to invoke the influence of "race." The lowest occur in 
Glasgow (64 '97 inches or 1,650 mm. in the two asylums taken together) and in 
Dundee, Greenock, and Paisley, and are pretty clearly due to urban degeneration. 

With regard to cephalic index, the north and the whole north-east have a 
comparatively high one, everywhere reaching or exceeding seventy-eight ; the west 
and south-west have a very low one, radiating, as it were, from Argyll ; while the 
south-east, from the Tay to Cheviot and the Solway, holds an intermediate position. 
These difterences correspond fairly well to so many ethnological provinces. The 
ear-height also is significant : the mean of this, in both men and women taken together, 
distinctly exceeds 135 in Midlothian, Perth, Stirling, Edinburgh, Roxburgh, East 
Lothian, and Montrose, and falls as distinctly below 135 every w^here else, except in 
Lanark and Paisley. Here the former category includes the whole of the old " Saxon " 
or Anglo-Danish province, with perhaps an old Brythonic or Kymric area besides. 

Of the observations on colour I cannot speak with the same satisfaction. I have 
already mentioned what I consider to be the fault of not constituting a category for 
black hair ; but of greater importance is the evident incompatibility of personal 
equation in the observers. Of these there appear to have been at least three, 
Mr. Cran for the north, Mr. Macgillivray for the remainder of the country, and 
Mr. Tocher himself overlapping Mr. Cran in Aberdeen and Montrose, and Mr. Mac- 
gillivray in seven other asylums. Mr. Cran seems to have had a keen eye for red 
(of which he found 13 per cent, in the female lunatics of the small asylum at Elgin) ; 
but he could see hardly any light-eyed anywhere ; and in all his districts majorities 
of neutral eyes and of dark hair are reported. Mr. Macgillivray, on the other hand, 
reports in twenty-one out of the twenty-two divisions (male and female) which were 
exclusively his majorities of light eyes and medium brown hair. So far he would 
agree with most observers. He, too, however, finds red and fair hair quite exceptional, 
and in some instances absent. Mr. Tocher's own perceptions of colour would seem 
more to resemble those of Mr. Cran ; for I observe that wherever he co-operates with 
Mr. Macgillivray the index of nigrescence rises considerably, and in four such cases 
dark hair attains the majority over neutral. Red hair is scantily represented outside 
of Mr. Cranes area. 

Now most of us have been under the impression that blonds, as well as red-haired 
folk, abound in Scotland ; and that country is generally supposed to rank with or next 
after Scandinavia and the countries borderinor on the Baltic and the North Sea as 
belonging to the area of the Xanthochroi. Certainly the recruiting officers agree with 
me in that opinion. See the several maps in my Races of Britain, constructed on the 
basis of the recruiting statistics. 

It is true that certain forms of insanity are more apt to occur in dark-coloured 
persons than in blonds ; but such preponderance is not sufficiently great to account 
for the peculiarities of these reports. Observations such as these on colour are value- 
less for scientific purposes, unless conducted with great accuracy and some technical 
knowledge. JOHN BEDDOE. 

* tSee Bwldoe, Stature, and Bulk, in the Anthrajwlogical Mcivo'ir^ f )r Dr. Maclaren's re^)ort. 



[ 78 1 



a 
u 

44 
44 



1907.] MAN. [No. 49. 

Africa, West. Leonard. 

The Lower Niger and its Tribes. By Major Arthur Glyo Leonard. Ifl 
London: Macmillan, 1906. Pp. xxii + 559. 23 x U cm. Price 12*. 6d. TV 

With the exception of the three hooks of the late Sir A. B. Ellis, and Burton's 
Mission to Gelele^ little has been hitherto written of value for anthropological 
purposes on our West African possessions. Major Leonard has qualifications for the 
task in his interest in the subject and his previous experience in India. He has 
evidently given the religion of th« peoples of Southern Nigeria much careful 
attention, not merely by personal observation but also by inquiry. He lias attempted 
to " think black," in Miss Kingsley's phrase ; and in this he seems to have had a 
measure of success. The results are embodied in the work before us. Frankly^ 
they are disappointing. The book is not an account of the tribes of the Lower 
Niger. It is not even an account of their religion, so much as Major Leonard's very 
abundant reflections on it. He says, concerning Ofo, who is qualified as the god 
" of truth and justice on the Niger " : " To appreciate the exact position of this 
" divinity, also of the principle on which hiw is dispensed and morality is adjudi- 
" cated, it is essential that the reader should understand the entire constitution of 
" the social system of the people themselves. This is not only necessary in this 
specific instance, but in every single circumstance that is connected with their 
existence. For this, and the social system which has grown up around it, is so 
entirely woven in with their religion — the latter being merely an inevitable 
condition and outcome of the former — that, even if they would, they cannot get 
away from it." All this is very true ; and if Major Leonard had enabled his 
readers to understand the social system of each of the tribes dealt with he would 
have made an important contribution to anthropology. The pity of it is that with 
a considerable knowledge of, and sympathy with, the people, and fully comprehending 
that a people's religion and social system are so intimately bound up together, that 
the one cannot be understood without the other ; and, moreover, desiring to make 
their religion intelligible as far as may be to his fellow-countrymen, he has succeeded 
in giving a straightforward account of neither the one nor the other. 

What was really wanted was that he should set down the plain, unvarnished facts. 
Having done this, he should have added the necessary comments, and this might have 
been done in much less space than Major Leonard's exposition actually occupies. He 
insists again and again that the core of the native religion is ancestor-worship. It is 
obvious that to enable us to judge of the correctness of this intrepretation we should 
first have an account of the organisation, political and social, of the tribes, marking 
any differences between them. This should be followed by information as full as 
may be of the different deities worshipped and the rites of each, as well as the rites 
employed at the chief epochs of life (birth, puberty, marriage, and death), at the 
various seasons of the year, and on other great occasions. If ancestor-worship be 
the substance of the religion we might expect to find the tribes organised on the basis 
of purely patenial descent. Are they, in fact, so organised ? This is to be inferred,, 
but it is nowhere clearly stated : and in the absence of a definite statement, we may 
perhaps be allowed to doubt it, in view of the organisation of the neighbouring tribes, 
as far as they are known, and even of some of the facts Major Leonard tells us.. 
Nor can we be by any means sure that all the gods incidentally named are deified 
ancestors. So far as can be gathered this is at least questionable. To take one case 
only, Simingi (a name which we are told means "the bad or rough water") seems to 
be a god worshipped at Bonny. Where is the evidence that such a god is a deceased 
ancestor ? Major Leonard says that he is '* practically the devil of the community ; " 
and only one offering to him is described — a sacrifice of a girl. A similar sacrifice 
(in this instance of two girls) is described as taking place at Onitsha, which the useful 

[ 79 ] 



No8. 49-61.] MAN. [1907. 

map appended to the book shows is many miles away from Bonny and the sea. But 
we are not even told to what god they were sacrificed. 

The truth is that all the real information we get is incidental to the commentary. 
The commentary is the book. It pre-supposes a knowledge of the tribes and their 
religion with which the reader is not furnished. Major Leonard has not appreciated 
his readers' ignorance. Perhaps he could from his notebooks even yet give us a 
systematic statement of the objective facts. The more full and accurate the statement, 
the better we should be able to understand and use the commentary. 

E. SIDNEY HARTLAND. 



Religions. Barnett : Ameer Ali. 

Religions Ancient and Modern: Hinduism, By L. D. Barnett, M.A., CA 
D.Litt. Pp. 66. mU 

Islam. By Ameer Ali, Syed, M.A., CLE. Pp. 78. London : Archibald Con- 
stable & Co., 1906. 17-5 X 12 cm. Price 1*. each. 

In his attempt to compress an account of Hinduism within the narrow limits of 
a primer Dr. Barnett has attempted an almost impossible task. I am inclined to think 
that it would have been w^iser to deal more generally with the development of 
Hinduism, and to give a less detailed account of the myriad sects, a description of 
which needs a much larger space. He might have told us how the primitive nature 
worship became corrupted by the indigenous idolatries as the Hindus pushed eastward 
along the Ganges valley ; why Behar became the scene of the rise of Buddhism and 
Jainism ; how far the doctrine of Bhakti or faith was due to Christian influence. 
He has left himself no space to consider the beliefs of the peasant, which for practical 
purposes are the most important part of the faith, and he does not quite realise that 
Hinduism is not a " religion " in our sense of the word, and is rather a social institution 
knit together and influenced by caste. So far as the book goes it is a good summary 
"based on trustworthy authorities. 

Syed Ameer Ali had a much easier task in dealing with the clear-cut monotheism 
of Islam. Mohammedanism has been so often discussed by prejudiced writers that it 
is well that a learned Mohammedan should have an opportunity of describing it from his 
own point of view. But it is needless to say that there is another side to the character 
of the Prophet and the history of the spread of the faith of which the reader of this 
manual will learn nothing. It would have been well to include in the bibliography 
the works of some of the modern writers who present the other side of the case. 

W. CROOKE. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY. 
Bibliograpliy. Thomas. 

BibliOiTi'Aphy of Anthropoloi^y and Folklore. By Northcote W. CI 
Thomas. V I 

The Anthropological Institute and the Folklore Society have resolved to issue 
between them an annual bibliography of anthropology and folklore which will differ 
in plan from any existing bibliography. It is intended to deal with all literature 
(books or articles) published in the British Empire. In this way incompleteness, the 
bane of most bibliographies, may, in time at any rate, be banished. It will be com- 
paratively easy to ensure the inclusion of all stuff which appears in England, but for 
much that appears in the colonies co-operation will be needed. May I appeal, firstly, 
to authors to send me their articles or books, and secondly, to the local correspondents 
of the Institute to whip up such articles and books, and if need be, to prociu-e them. 
Many colonial publications never seem to reach England at all, and if I do not receive 
copies they cannot be included. NORTHCOTE W. THOMAS. 



Printed by Kyb« AND SPOTTISWOODB, His Majeaty'a Printers, East HartUng Street, B.C. 




Frc. A. roT. Fir.. 5, woode: 

ETHNOGRAPHICAL OBJECTS FROM THE SOUTHERN BA-MBALA. 



1907.] 



MAN. 



[No. 52. 



ORIGINAL ARTICLES. 
Africa. "With Plate P. Torday: Joyce. 

Note on the Southern Ba-Mbala. li;/ E. Titrday and T, A. Jni/ce. M.A. 
iij Vol. XXXV ..r TAr .lo<n;,.,l :/ tin Anthropoliigicil InHifule rlio a 
piLl>lifhcil u piipcr I'll llic nii-llliiilu, ill v,\\\v\\ it wu< stuleil tliut this [koiiIl- weri.- 
immigi'uiU^ from llie ^oiilli. who hod ul)iii]]n!<l ibeir hImhIs iiiiiler presnure, tiiiO liuU split 
up in the proceaa. Since the publication of this paper. inve^ti^^Alions Unve Iteeti mailo 
amuQg the other branch of thia people, ditunteil to the soiitli of that previously ilesuriheJ, 
anJ, since the foi-roer differ from the latter considerably io (.•eriain respects, it will bo 
AS well to suppleiiKint the pa])er in the Journal^ wbiuh <leulH ' 
I3»-MtHila, by a, few notes oa the Southern Ba-Mlmln. 

The Southern Bft-Mbala exteud from the miihllc Kweni^o ei 



52 



Northern 



Yauibeai and Jari, tributaries of the lirri: 
crossed, siiice a small colony is found 
on the right bank. Near the sources of 
the Liinno their t'ontlnuity is broken by 
H strip of territory occupied by Itn- 
Kweae. Their neighiioiirs to llie north 
and west are the Ba-Pindi, who xsparule 
them from the Ba-Y»ka ; ou the east are 
the Bn-Kweae and Ba-Bnnda ; on ibe 
south-west the Ba-Lua. The preseuce 
-of the la«t-named people is interesting : 
in the paper on the Northern Ba-Mbnlii, 
M which reference has been iniulc 
«bovc, u local triulition was menliontMl 
according to which It was slated tlmi 
the northward movement of the Ba- 
M built hail been ctmsed by prei^rturR 
exercined by a people called Moliia or 
Mihia. It seems certain that the latter 
are to be identified witli thexe Ba-Lua, 
and the conjecture of Anltermann is 
thiiK \cri6e<l." 

These Ba-Lua, who appear In lio 
Bu-Luudu, observe a pecniiar tabu, i[i 

accordance with which ihey are nn- '*">■ '.— «btuo 

willing to pronounce tbo name of their "'"'* 

trilie : if pressed on the aubjeut they will call come foreigner 
information. Their noulheni neighliours are the Bit-Djok', called 
with whom tboy are continually at fond : in fact it wa^ under pressun 
the latter that tltcy occupit^d tbu Kwt-ngo and displaced the Ba-Mbala 
uliove. Their hatred of their hereditary foo» i^ so great that, if the nnmt 



n1»« 







the 



the 



'ontb Kioko, 
exercised by 
» mentioned 
■' Ba-Djok« '■ 
presenue of a nnmber of Ba-Lua, each man inimedinlcly 



ia pronounced i 
expeciorales violently. 

The Soiitbern Ba-Mbala are a comparatively tall [icople, and tbougb t^leiulcrly bnilt 
are very wiry, and in powers of ondunmce oipial the Ba-Kongo, They are cKceptlonally 
hospitable and well-disposed to Ntraugcrs. Circumeiaion is general and is practised on 
boys Iwfare they are a year old. The hair on llie chest is removeil oseept by old men 
and chiefs. No tattooing or cicatrization \» found, 



] 



No. 62.] MAN. [1107. 

As regards applied ornament they paint the whole body and every article of wear 
with red pigment : the native word for this colour is hahala^ and, since the name of 
the tribe is pronounced with the accent on the first syllable, it seems very likely that 
the word Ba-Mbala is a contraction of Ba-Babala, "re<l people." Any gift which 
may be presented to the traveller, be it an egg, a fowl or a goat, is coloured red, and if 
white cloth is given them, they at once proceed to stain it their favourite hue. 

The hair is worn in five longitudinal ridges, the interspaces between which are 
shaved. These ridges are never cut, and are usually braided, uniting in a single 
pigtail at the back. Across the forehead and over the ears runs a band of false hair 
(Fig. 1). It is a peculiar fact that many of the anthropomorphic carvings of the 
Northern Ba-Mbala exhibit the form of hair-dressing peculiar to the southern tribe. 

The ornamentation of his person is the chief occupation of the Southern Mo-Mbala 
when at home, his paint is renewed twice or thrice a day, and his face ornamented 
with stripes of red, brown, orange, and violet ; the pattern is usually as follows : — 
a horizontal stripe on the forehead, a stripe from each ear to the tip of the nose, and 
again from each ear to the point of the chin. Personal beauty is an attribute which 
is highly valued ; it is considered a compliment to speak of a guest as young and 
handsome, and even war has been known to result when one chief has boasted that his 
appearance was superior to that of another. 

Hats are rare, but are worn in war-time ; they are made of network with a brim, 
and are ornamented with red parrot-feathers. 

The waist-cloth is similar to that of the northern tribe, and is fringed in front. 

Bracelets are worn by all free men, and if a master presents one of his slaves 
with a bracelet it is a sign that he sets him free. Chiefs wear thirty or forty bracelets 
of imported brass or native iron on each arm, and a similar number of anklets on 
each leg. 

On the upper arm is worn a tight circlet of string with a tassel, in which is 
often stuck a small knife. 

Sandals of pussu are worn in hunting, when the grass has been freshly burnt, to 
protect the feet. 

Perhaps the most striking difference between the northern and southern tribe is 
that the latter do not eat human fiesh ; it seems most likely that the northern tribe 
have adopted this habit from the Ba-Huana and Ba-Yanzi, with whom the southern 
tribe have not come in contact to any extent. It seems unlikely that a people who 
have acquired a taste for human flesh should have abandoned cannibalism ; moreover, 
it is a fact that some of the Bakwa-Mosinga tribe of the Ba-Kwese have, within the 
last ten years or so, become cannibals owing to association with the Ba-Pindi. Dogs 
are not eaten by the southern tribe. 

The huts are the same pattern as in the north, but those of chiefs are much 
larger ; those of important chiefs are often from ten to fifteen metres long. 

The working and smelting of iron has been learnt, according to the native 
account, from the Ba-Songo. The building in which the smelting is practised is built 
of palm leaves, on a rectangular ground-ph n, with a pointed-oval roof ; at one end 
is a small door about 1 metre high by 50 cm t "metres wide. A fetish is hung from 
the centre of the roof. Iron ore is common throughout the country ; the furnaee is 
of clay and rectangular, without a roof ; at each corner is a pair of bellows similar 
to those in use among the Northern Ba-Mbala. At one side is dug a reservoir for 
the metal, which Hows through an opening in one of the walls. The ore is powdered 
and placed in the furnace, and charcoal is placed on the top. The slag is broken 
up and mixed with the clay from which pots are made. The metal is worked by 
forging only, casting is unknown. There is a furnace in every village, and the chief 
is the ironmaster. 

[ 82 ] 



1907.] MAN. [No. 62. 

The waterproofing of baskets, as practised in the north, is unknown. 

As in the north, each village, for the most part, is rule.1 by an independent petty 
chief ; in some cases, however, there is a paramount chief for several villages. The 
latter state of affairs is probably due to a long alliance in war. 

The peculiar class of Muri^ described in the paper on the Northern Ba-Mbala 
quoted above, and concerning which a few supplementary details were given at the 
end of a subsequent paper on the Ba-Yaka,* are found here also. They are distinguished 
by the same type of bracelet, the mwenay and the same headcloth, i/epi^ which, 
however, in the south is worn only at milonga (palavers). To each mu7e/ia-bracelet 
is attached a particular name, which is assumed by the wearer ; he does not, however, 
discard his former name, but may be called by either. These mwena-\\2kmG^^ which 
have become obsolete in the north, are exactly paralleled by the titles, derived from 
estates, which are assumed by the hereditary nobility of England. The peculiar 
custom, in accordance with which, in the north, the successor to the mwena must 
steal his predecessor's skidl, is not fcund in the south ; the following suggestion may 
explain this fact. The Ba-Yanzi are recognised as the suzerains of the territory 
which the Northern Ba-Mbala have acquired by purchase from them ; and in recognition 
of this fact they have a right to the skulls of all people killed in war among the 
northern tribe (perhaps even to the whole body in the days before the Ba-Mbala 
adopted cannibalism). These skulls, together with tho.se of iheir own people and 
their enemies, 
the Ba-Yanzi 
chiefs keep all 
together in a 
separate little 
hut, a sort of 
museum, and 
refuse to part 
with them on 
any conditions. 

rr.1 • r i. FlO- 2.— TOY CE03S-B0W. 

This fact very 

probably led to the stealing of the skull of the deceased tnuri in the north. 

A newly-purchased slave must give all his earnings to his master, but after a 
year or so he is allowe.l to keep them for himself ; possibly by this time he is con- 
sidered to have refunded the price originally pai 1 for him by his master. 

When a married woman perceives that she is pregnant, she must confess all her 
former lovers to her husband ; if she forgets the name of a single one it is believed 
that the child will die. Those with whom she has had intercourse before she was 
married (i.e., was taken to the house of her husband) pay a nominal fine of one or two 
djimhn to the husband ; but those with whom sho has had relations after marriage 
must pay a heavy sum of from 5,000 to 10,000. Once the wife is pregnant conjugal 
fidelity is necessary for both parties, otherwise the child will die, and deaths of 
children are usually attributed to this cause. If the child dies the parents must 
undergo a purificatory rite. Clothed in a new kimpussu (palm-cloth skirt), they go 
to a river accompanied by an old woman, usually the sister or aunt of the wife, who 
dips them thrice in the water. In return for this service she receives the two kimp^isau 
worn by the erring couple. 

The Southern Ba-Mbala use the same musical instruments as the northern, ar.u 
their songs are the same, but they are better musicians. 

A particularly interesting fact is that the crossbow is known among the Southern 
Ba-Mbala, not as a weapon, but as a toy used only by children for shootitig seeds 

• Jovrn, Anthr. Jnxf.y Vol. XXXV f., p. H.'. 

[ 83 ] 




Hos. 52-53.] MAN. [1907. 

and l)crric«<. T\ui r^tork i?4 made from a palm-leaf rib, with the natural groove uppermor^t. 
In the Mi)eciriien eollecte<l (Fig. 2) and in Hcveral others oh:*erved, the i^hape of the stock 
imitates a gnn, and a hole ha.H l>eeD made in the **' muzzle ** end to imitate the bore of a 
gunharrel. The niethrnl of relea:<e in ingenious : two peg.s, in this case European nails, 
are fixed in the stock where the hammers occur in a gun, the front peg is immovable, 
the other is allowed a certain amount of play backwards and forwards ; to the centre 
of the bowstring is fixed a short piece of wood, the Ik)w is drawn, the movable peg 
I)iilled forward, and the piece of wood attached to the bowstring is wedged between the 
two pegs. To fire the l)Ow the rear peg is drawn liack by a short string passing 
through a vertical hole in the stock, and the bowstring is thus released. In the 
specimen figured a trigger-guard is added to complete the resemblance to a gun. 

War is made as among the northern tribe, but no prisoners are taken. The skulls 
of opponents slain in the great war or gembi are exposed in the village until the end 
of the war, when they are given back and buried. 

Their religion is nnich the same as that of the Ba-Huana ; each adult is supposed 
to have a double soul, of which the elements are the doshi^ or double ; and the 
mtjf'nna^ which corresponds to the bun of the Ba-IIuana. The apparition of the 
nCiyiiivi of a deswl man is called mifakuln (among ihe Ba-Huana fakiilu). 

Women sn(!kling children neither paint nor ornament themselves, and must abstain 
from all sexual intercourse. 

In other respects the doscjription of the Northern Ba-Mbala containe<l in the paper, 
to which repeated referentro has been made, may be taken as true also of the Southern 
Ba-Mbahi. ' E. TORDAY. 

T. A. JOYCE. 

Arolieeology : Eolitlis. Kendall. 

The Oase for Eoliths restated. By the Rev, If. G. 0, Kendall^ M,A, CQ 

In the minds of many people it is not yet proven that there are such things UU 
as ** (M)litlnc '' flint tools, i.e., flints chipped by man at some period which considerably 
antedates the paheolitliic age and showing a ruder industry. 

To some of us, however, the thing seems as clear as is the established fact of the 
existen(;e of nnm of the OKI Stone Age. 

At Ilackpen Hill in Wiltshire, at a height of 875 feet O.D., I have found small 
]mt(!hes of drift containing both trinuned eoliths and flaked stones, abraded and striated 
and also unabraded. Almost all that I have obtained have come from the surface of 
the ground where the drift may be seen. The condition, however, of some of the 
wrought stones, at any rate, forbids any other supposition than that they are part and 
parcel of the drift in which they are found. They are exactly similar in condition to 
its constituent, initurallv broken flints. Some of them cannot have been carried on 
to the top of the hill by [)aheolithic num and there dropped, for they are abraded 
almost beyond recognition. At the time that these stones were being abraded, the 
nearest palieolithic sites cannot have been habitable. It is, moreover, unlikely, to say 
the lea^t of it, that the Old Stone Age man should have carried flakes and flaked 
scraps thither unless the place were one of constant resort. But in this latter case 
we should find some signs of his better flaked, unabraded, and non-ochreous implements 
on the hill tops. 

IIow, then, did the flaked stones of the plateau drift reach the summits of the 
hills where they now lie ? 

There are two possible means. Either the configuration of the country must 
have been completely diflerent from that of palaeolithic times when these stones were 
deposited, and the hill top nnist have been a valley, or the stones of the drift must 
have been pushed into their present position bv ice. 

[ 84 ]' 



1907.] MAN. [No. 63. 

But this would demand ice of such thickness and quantity as is not supposed to 
have existed hi the South of England since the glacial period, for Hackpen Hill rises 
more than 300 feet above the bottom of the valley down which runs the burn 
which constitutes in winter the upper waters of the River Kennet. If, therefore, in 
such configuration of the country as now exists, or as existed in palieolithic times 
when the present river valleys were already deeply cut, ice was the transporting agent, 
the implements are proved at once to be pre-glacial. So according to this theory they 
would be a long while pre-paheolithic, since palaeolithic man is generally supposed to 
be post-glacial. 

If the above remarks be true and the reasoning sound, there can be no doubt 
whatever as to the flaked stones which are found in the highest plateau drifts belonging 
to an age much older than the palneolithic. From the drift on Hackpen Hill, at 
875 feet, I have a few flaked implements of varying degrees of excellence or rudeness. 
Some are very much abraded and striated. I have only found them after very dihgent 
search. One specimen, in particular, is of great importance. It is very much striated 
and so much abraded as, at first sight, to be difficult of recognition. But on examination 
it is seen to have been as definitely flaked on both faces as an implement from the 
river drift. One face i? flat, the other convex. A portion of crust or of still older 
brown 6Ui*face remains on the latter face. In outline the implement is of the ovate 
type, but with one bow-shaped edge such as may be seen on many river drift implements 
also. I have another implement with most definite flakings and of somewhat peculiar 
type, which is scarcely abraded at all. A third is very small and delicately flaked. 
The one is ochreous, the other ochreous brown, iu colour. The flakes are abraded, 
striated and ochreous brown. In certain hollows, where it would setm that a clajcy 
matrix has by some means partially disappeared, may be fouml unabraded or slightly 
abraded flaked stones of a dark greenish hue. These, it would appear, are of later 
«late than the oc!ircous-brown stones, but belong to a period which presumably antedates 
the formation of the present valley system. Incidentally, I may mention that I have 
found on the hill-top a small piece of abraded Upper (ireensand chert and small 
pebbles of flint and quartzite. 

Resuming, I do not see how we can escape the conclusion that the before-mentioned 
flaked and abraded flints, if not the unabraded flints also, prove the existence of man at 
a time which is very distinctly separated from and anterior to the paljeolithic age of the 
valley drifts. They seem also to point to the fact that although we have discovered 
the handiwork of human beings who may be described as pre-palasolithic, we have 
not yet got back to a time when some individuals of the race co dd not make a flaked 
implement of paleolithic type; unless, indeed, such gravels as those near Reading 
and at Alderbury Hill, near Salisbury, can be shown to be of earlier date than the 
drift of Hackpen Hill. 

The eolithic implements, flaked pieces and flakes, whilst they prove, according 
to the argument of this paper, the existence of pre-pal«olithic man or man before the 
present river valley system, do not, it may be said, of themselves necessitate the 
human authorship of the work on the merely trimmed flints. 

Have these ruder pieces l)een trimmed by the hand of man ? 

To begin with, we have no absolute proof that man made the flaked implements. 
But, short of absolute proof, the evidence is so strong and of such a kind that we 
should be unreasonable if we refused it. Such evidence we accept, as a matter of 
fact, in a hundred other matters and few are found to quarrel with it. 

We judge, in the first place, by analogy. We perceive that if we strike a piece 
of fresh chalk flint, or even a tougher piece, with a direct blow near its edge and on 
a flattish surface, the piece that comes off has a bulb of percussion exactly similar to 
that on manv pieces of flint in the river gravels. We notice, also, that a hollow 

[ 85 ] 



Vm 53-54.3 XAN. [1907. 

fiU^rr; of ^f;aU^ or l^;*i* d«^|ith. i- left apon tlie parent block arid thai thL* bollow often 
►li/>ir- tiny ripple mark* eur*'in^ away from the direction of the blow. We know of 
no jK/wer than can pnxJiice like re-uit* «ave that of fr^ree applied in the form of a 
blow, unle^f* it were very dire^'t and conj*i.'*tent pre?^j?are at one particular point. From 
the ljkene<<f of the re?»nlt«, therefore, and the aJi»«ence of evidence of any other po*?ible 
caij-e, we decide in the ca?»e of the flakes or i^ingle pieces struck off that a like cause 
Miu-t ha\e ]fr(f4iii(Uiil them in Uith ancient and modem time>. 

W#' next find that i^mie of the flint« from the river gravel;* are covered with 

ripple-njarked holiowf*, and mii.'<t, therefore, have received a large numl>er of blow?. 

lu the cafe- of ^^ingie piece?* which have lieen i<tnick off from a parent block, we admit 

to oijr?'eJve- the fK>M!«ibility, *^i far a?» our argument has at present gone, that one of 

the forroM of Nature, such as violent river action, may have struck off the flake. But 

we notice that in the case of those flints which are covere<l with hollows resulting 

from blows, the said hollows are so shallow and at such an angle to the edge of the 

»«tone, that a methoii and a skill must have been required for the majority of the 

»*trokes t»ucli as no power of Nature iu our experience is capable of giving under 

existing or pre-existing circumstances. Experiment, at the same time, proves to us 

that man is capable of pnxhiciiig to-day similar flaked stones with no other tools 

than Huch as primitive man may have found to hand. In addition to the foregoing 

evidence, we notice that the implements are of a convenient shape for use in the 

cutting, lH>ring, scraping, &c., of such articles as ancient man must have needed to 

ofierate on. 

Hy experiment, by our experience of the powers cf nature and their work, and by 
a pHKiess of reasoning which may be described as common sense, and which, though it 
comes short of absolute prw>f, is practically unanswerable, we conclude that these stones 
have Ikjcu flaked by an intelligent being. 

Can arguments of similar weight l>e produced to show that man has operated 
on the trimmed, as distinct from flaked, pieces ? 

In my (;olle(;tion I have more than a thousand Kuowle Fann Pit palaeolithic 
implements from the best to the rudest. I have perhaps a like numl>er of ruder pieces. 
There is no <?hjar-cut dividing line between the two groups. Numbers of flaked imple- 
ments have the trimmed edges. Other pieces precisely similar in form are trimmed 
only. Some pi(;c(?s not of implemental shape are flaked and trimmed, other similar 
pieces are trimmed only. At this pit implements have been exceedingly numerous 
within a small space. Within the same space and in the same strata as the implements, 
the trinnned pieces are numerous or the reverse in exact proportion to the implements. 

I hav(; also s(;arched pits in the Lea valley in Hertfordshire where, ordinarily, an 
implement is a very rare thing ; and here, also, the trimmed pieces are correspondingly 
rare. What stn)ng(;r proof can be forthcoming that man operated on these trimmed 
pal eolithic pieces 'f Now, finally, ranged side by side in my cabinets with the 
Knowie Farm Pit trimmed, and trimmed and flaked pieces, are trimmed pieces from 
the fop of llackp(»n Hill which, as regards form and trimming, are perfect duplicates 
of the Knowh^ sp(M'im(Mis. I nuiy add that I shall be happy to show to any one 
intercMfcd in the subject my coliecition in which series after series and numberless details 
and (•()in|)Hrisons bear witness to the truth of the above arguments. 

II. G. O. KENDALL. 

Africa, Soutli : Aroheeology. Jolmson. 

Note on a Stone Implement from the Embabaan Valley, South Ci 
Afk-loa. //,/ ./. /^ Johnson. UT 

The nccnrrence of typi(;al palieolithic (Acheulian) implements in the tin-bearing 
gnni'U of the Euibabaan river was announced some time ago bv Professor Rupert 

[ 86 ] 



1907.] 



MAN. 



[Na.ti4. 



Jones, who dexcribcd thirteen examples found bj Mr. Ryan. Hi^ account* iit illui^trated 
by a drawing to actnal size of one of the lipcciinens. 

I also have a number of typical palreoliths of quartzito, chert, quartz and aphatiite. 
from the Embabaaa valley. They were given to me by my friend Mr, Nasli, who 
received them from Mr. Ryan. Together with them were a number of chert flakes 
trimmed to a point and suggestive of a more advanced stage of culture. Most of 
these are trimmed on one side only, but two or three of them have been worked on 
both. The object of this note is to draw attention to one of these last. The 
accompanying drawing is a fairly aceurate representation of tlie specimen in question, 
though it does not do full justice to a really beautiful exumple of the work of the 
Stone Ago. Its resemblance to certain of the well-known Solutro-Magdalcniun types 





IHPLBHUrr, BHBABAAN VALLKT (ACTUAL SIZE). 



of Europe is unmistakeable, and there can be little doubt, I think, (bat it in of more 
recent date than the associated Acheulian types. 

I have shown elsewhere that implements belonging to that stage of culture are 
widely distributed over South Africa, while, long before my discoveries, the double- 
pointed typo had been dencribed from the Cape Town fiats. Moreover, in every case 
where both groups hare been found at the same place, e.g., at the junction of the 
Kiel and Modder rivers, at the Taaibosuh spruit and at Prieska, the evidence is 



• Juxrn. Anthr. Iiut., Vol. XSVIII. (N.8. I.), 1898, [ 
[ 87 1 



Wos. 64-56.] MAN, [1907- 

decidedly in favour of their ])eing of different age. I may add, in conclusion, that 
some further discoveries which I have made in the Boshof district, and which I hope 
to describe shortly, likewise point in that direction. J. P. JOHNSON. 



Totemism. Langr. 

Oonceptionai Totemism and E,xot[amy» By Andrew Lang, CC 

The " coneeptional " theory of tlie origin of totemism, as accepted by Mons. tlU 
A. van Gennep in his Mythes et Legendes d*Australie^ may be briefly stated thus : 
women, when first conscious of approaching maternity, attributed their experiences 
to the invasion of a spirit, emanating from any object which, at the moment, caught 
their eyes, or struck their fancy ; or had recently been eaten by them. The child, 
then, must be a member of the species of that object — a cloud, a star, a beast, a 
bird, an insect, or anything except a human being. Yet, surely, men and women were 
as likely as clouds or stars, or loads, or cockatoos, to catch the eye and strike the 
fancy at the critical moment. 

They never did ; at least we know no human totems except in a single tribe, 
where we find the Man and the Laughing Boy totems. No girl or woman totem is 
known. How does the coneeptional theory account for this fact ? The children being 
always human, it was much easier and more natural to account for them as invading 
spirits from adjacent human beings, male or female, than from toads, fish, clouds, trees, 
grubs, or stars. Yet human beings as sources of the invading spirits which became 
children were never selected as totems, save in the two isolated cases mentioned. How 
can this be explained on the coneeptional theory of the origin of totemism ? 

A recent theory of the origin of exogamy (Mr. Frazer's in The Fortnightly 
Review^ September, UK)5) also presents difficulty. ''The division of the tribe into 
" two exogamous halves .... is obviously to prevent the marriage of brothers 
" with sisters . . . ." The rules " were deliberately devised and adopted as a 
" means of preventing the marriage, at first, of brothers with sisters." "Each tribe 
" was, in fact, divided into two halves, all the children of the same mothers being 
" assigned to the same half, and the men of each half were obliged to take their 
wives from the other half." (0/?. ciV., pp. 457-460.) 

If this hypothesis be correct, it seems that the relationship of " own " (not 
tribal ") brothers and sisters was universally recognised even before the beginning 
of exogamy. As far as 1 understand the situation, " tribal " brothers and sisters must 
stand in a later sort of relationship, created by the exogamous organisation. The 
"tribal" brothers and sisters must be brothers and sisters m law; they had no such 
relations before they were regimented into the two phratries. Thus, as far as brothers 
and sisters, recognised as such, are concerned, the " descriptive " must be earlier than 
the " classificatory " system. This 1 conceive to be true, but this view is not usually 
taken by students who hold that exogamy arose in a deliberate segmentation of a 
previously " undivided commune." 

If the scheme — a deliberate regimenting of brothers and sisters uterine into two 
exogamous and intermarrying; divisions — is conceived as having been universal, it 
will follow that all tribes began by reckoning descent in the female line. If we 
suppose that, everywhere, "coneeptional " totemism came first, and then was developed 
into the local totemism of the Arunta, it is obvious that, from the very beginning, 
all totems would ap[>ear in both phratries, and thus everyone might marry into his or 
her own totem. All tribes, except the Arunta, must have later redistributed the 
totems, so as to make inter-totemic marriage impossible. It is not easy to see why 
the Arunta, who have advanced so far as to develop the eight class system, stood 
apart from the otherwise universal redistribution of the totems, except on the hypothesis 
that they never recognised anything hereditary in the totems. 

[ 88 ] 



44 



44 



1907.] MAN. [No. 55. 

On the tlieory that they began by inheritance of exogamous distinctions through 
males, they must also have l)egun by putting into one phratry all the children of one 
set of husbands, and into the other phratry all the children of the remaining husbands, 
regardless of totems. This proceeding would not nece.<«sariiy imply recognition of the 
physical facts of fatherhood ; but it would imply recognition of individual marriage, 
which the Urabunna are said not to recognise even now. Thus the culture of the 
Arunta must, from the first, have been strangely anomalous. They either began by 
reckoning in the male line, or they reached that form of reckoning and the eight-class 
system very early, while they retained, at the same time, the most primitive scheme 
of totemism extant ; yet they are aware that there are divisions to which it is " right '' 
for each totem to be restricted ; though, in fact, they are not so restricted. How did 
they learn this notion of right and wrong if they have not passed through and out 
of the universally prevalent form of totemic distribution ? I have seen no answer to 
this question. 

The reason for which " own " brothers and sisters, whether paternal or uterine, 
were forbidden to intermarry is conjectured to have been that such unions were 
thought "injurious to the persons immediately concenied." (Op, cif,, p. 461.) But 
in that case, as only the persons immediately concerned were in danger of injury, why 
were such unions made capital offences ? A person is supposed to be injured, in one 
way or another, by eating his or her own totem. Yet this is not a capital offence ; 
nor, as far as I know, is it any ofiPence at all against tribal law. It is the sinnerV 
own affair. Intra-totemic unions, on the other hand, are, or were, a deadly offence to 
the commiuiity ; and why ? 

Once more, if we adopt the view that " the effect " which the regulations 
" actually pro<luce is the effect which they were intended to produce," we cannot 
easily argue that the intended effect was the prohibition of marriage between own 
brothers and sisters, whether in the ihale or female line ; for the regulations, indeed, 
produce that effect, but they also produce much more. They bar marriage between a 
man or woman and all the members of his or her own totem and phratry, or exoga- 
mous moiety. Thai is the effect which the regulations actually produce, and, on the 
principle advanced, that must be the effect which they were intended to produce. 

As brotherhood and sisterhood, on the female or male side, was, by the hypothesis, 
already recognised, then, if it were merely thought desirable to prevent brother and 
sister marriages, it was only necessary to pass the law that such unions of recognised 
near kin must not occur. It was not necessary to make the existing much more 
sweeping prohibition. The actual rule is, " no unions between persons of the same 
'* half of the tribe," and that is the rule which we have to explain. 

Why was marriage between members of the same half of the tribe — the halves 
being often known by the ijames of animals — regarded as a deadly offence to the 
whole community ? That seems to be the problem of the origin of exogamy. To 
solve it I think that we must go back to the time of a very small community, wherein 
such unions would have been the cause of jealousies which would destroy the peace 
of the community, and break up the community itself. For that valid reason such 
unions were placed in the brief savage list of capital offences. These are very rare 
indeed in savage jurisprudence ; I scarcely remember any others except malevolent 
witchcraft. But given a community in which marriages within the group were apt to 
be causes of murderous jealousies, we have a valid and intelligible reason for punishing 
all such unions with death. This would explain the latitude of the law, which does 
not apply to brothers and sisters alone, but (except among the Arunta and Kaitish) 
to all who bear the same totemic name, or belong to the same exogamous moiety. 
There must have been a time when the very existence of the community was endan- 
gered bv marriages within it ; if not, why is such a marriage, or rather why was 

[ 89 ] 



Nos. 65-56.] MAN. (1907. 

such a marriage, pniiinhed by death, and later by excommunication, expulsion from the 
tribe ? Can anyone suggest any other reason for the Draconian and exceptional 
severity of the law ? 

This is a point which I think we have too much neglected. We have not reflected 
on the circumstance that, among very backward savages, the death penalty is of 
extreme rarity. Some most stringent practical reason must have caused men to attach 
it to the breach of exogamous rules. Such a breach cannot have been a " spiritual " 
offence connected with the blood of the totem, for nobody is punished by law for 
shedding his totem's blood, as far as I have read in any book. 

ANDREW LANG. 



REVIEWS. 

Australia. Thomas. 

Kinship Organisations and Group Marriage in Australia, By Northcote W. C jj 
Thomas, M.A. Cambridge : University Press, 1906. Pp. xiv+163. 22x 14 cm. mO 
Price 6*. 

This extremely useful book on the social organisation of the Australian aborigines 
may be divided into three parts : a general theoretical part consisting of the early 
chapters and other introductory matter ; a systematic part devoted to a careful analysis 
and discussion of the phratries and matrimonial classes which are the distinctive 
features of Australian society ; and lastly, a polemical part directed against the view 
that group marriage exists or has existed in Australia. Certain features of Australian 
society receive little notice, thus the fundamental problem of the relation between the 
totem groups and the other social divisions is hardly considered, the reason being, 
as we are told in the preface, that our knowledge of the necessary facts is insufficient 
for a proper treatment of the question. Agahi, the part played by true blood-kinship 
in the ordering of society receives little attention. 

The introductory portions contain many valuable sections dealing with definitions. 
Anthropologists will soon have to settle the proper use of their terms by some kind of 
collective action, and when this task is undertaken Mr. Thomas's book will provide 
them with much valuable material as a basis on which to work. Among many useful 
terms which are suggested may be mentioned patrilocal and matrilocal marriage to 
replace the unsatisfactory dvega and beena marriage, and corresponding terms are used 
to denote the mode of descent and of the exertion of authority. Among the many 
definitions of the different forms of marriage two points may be mentioned. Mr. Thomas 
uses polygyny and polyandry in their strict senses, and applies the redundant term 
polygamy to the combination of the two, i.e., to unions of more than one man with 
more than one woman, which arc yet not group marriages, this latter term being 
limited to eases in which all the men of some definite social group are the husbands 
of all the women of another definite group. It would be very useful to be able to 
use the word j)olygamy in this sense, for it is not wanted as a name for the form of 
marriage to which it is applied in everyday use, but this general use is now so firmly 
fixed that the proposed limitation of its meaning will only become possible by some 
kind of collec^tive action. The other point is that Mr. Thomas includes under marriage 
such unions between the sexes as are found in the Australian pirrauru custom, and in 
consequence has to divide his three chief categories — polygyny, polyandry, and poly- 
gamy, into several subdivisions. It is probable that it would be more satisfactory to 
refuse to regard these unions as species of marriage, and to erect a new genus to 
include such customs as those of the pirrauru and piraungaru in Australia, the mokh- 
thoditi institution of the Todas, the consorting of Nair women with Nambutiris 
and the European customs of the cicisbeo and the mariage a trois, 

[ t'o ] 



1907.] MAN. [No. 66. 

While on the suhject of definitions I should like to express my dissatisfaction 
with Mr. Thomas's use of the term " kinship," which he limits, though not quite 
consistently, to the relationship set up by common membership of a social group. In 
its ordinary use kin implies blood-relationship, and it seems to me a misfortune to 
apply it primarily to such a relationship as that set up by the common possession of 
a totem. A very important problem in sociology arises out of the relation between 
the bonds set up by common membership of a social group and those dependent on 
community of blood, and the discussion of this problem will not be facilitated by 
using for the second kind of bond a term which should properly denote one of the 
first kind. 

The systematic part of the book will be of very great value to all who are trying 
to find their way into the complexities of the Australian class system. There is a 
full account, illustrated by maps, of the distribution of phratry and class names, and 
much information is given about the meanings of these names and the evidence for 
the mode of relation of the two groupings. There is much ingenious criticism of the 
various views which have been advanced to explain these groupings, but the only 
absolutely positive conclusion is that the grouping in phratries is earlier than the 
division into classes, and the whole discussion leaves the reader with the conviction 
that we want much more work, and much more exact work, before any definite 
opinions can be formed on many of the points raised in this portion of the book. 

The polemic against the existence of group marriage which forms the remainder 
of the book falls into two parts : a criticism of the value of the classificatory system 
of relationships as evidence of former marriage regulations and a minute criticism of 
the evidence provided by Dr. Howitt and Messrs. Spencer and Gillen in favour of the 
existence of group marriage in Australia in the present or the near past. A full 
consideration of the first part would be impossible within the limits of this review, 
and I propose to deal with this question elsewhere. 

In the second part of the polemic the point at issue between Mr. Thomas and 
the Australian investigators turns largely on the fact that they do not use the term 
" group marriage " in the same way. If the term is used in the strict sense proposed 
by Mr. Thomas, and this seems most necessary, it is clear that the existence of group 
marriage at the present time in Australia has not been demonstrated. The various 
forms of union between the sexes which have been recorded, however, suggest various 
stages in the evolution from a condition of group marriage, and it is far from certain 
that more exact methods of investigation than have hitherto been employed in Australia 
might not reveal the existence of true group marriage at the present time. Mr. Thomas's 
criticism is largely devoted to the value of the pirrauru union as evidence of group 
marriage, and he points out many features on which further information is needed. 
There is one point to which, perhaps, insufficient attention has been paid, viz., the 
clear evidence of the connection of the pirrauru custom with the totem grouping* 
It is here that the relative antiquity of the totemic and class groupings becomes of so 
much importance. If the totemic system is late, the close connection of the pirrauru 
custom with it would make it improbable that this* custom could be a survival of group 
marriage. If, on the other hand, the totemic grouping is older than either the phratriac 
or class groupings, it would become highly probable that we have in the pirrauru 
custom a 8iu*vival of group marriage. 

The book is provided with a good index and bibliography. There are some errors 
in the text, to some of which Mr. Thomas has himself called my attention. On p. 10 
a phratriac organisation is wrongly ascribed to the Todas. On p. 41 the classes of 
the children are given w^rongly for the four-class system, and there is an obvious mistake 
in the laws of descent of the eight-class system. On p. 43 the classes of III. are in 
the wrong order ; Balgoin and Bunda belong to one phratry and Parang and Theirwain 

[ 91 ] 



No8. 56-57.] MAN. [1907. 

to the otlier, and there is* a .«4inii]ar error in the grouping of tlie Enion. There are also 
several errors in the kiiir^hip tahles on pp. 94 and 95. Every s^tudeut owes a great 
<leht to Mr. Thomas for the large amount of labour he must have given to the prepara- 
tion of thi.s )K>ok, and it is to l>e hoped that he will give us before long as full an 
analysis of other features of Australian .society as that of the phratry and class 
systems in this volume. W. H. R. RIVERS. 



Religrlons. Bailey and Others. 

Religions Ancient and Modern : The Religion of Ancient Rome. By Cyril C^ 
Hailey^ M.A. Pp. 114. ' * MI 

The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria, By Theophilus G. Pinches, LL.D. Pp. 126. 
The Religion of Ancient Egypt. By W. M. Flinders Petrie, LL.D., F.R.S. Pp. 98. 
Magic and Fetishism, By A. C. Haddon, Sc.D., F.R.S. Pp. 99. London': Con- 
stable, 1906-7. 17*5 X 12 cm. Price 1*. each. 

With every fresh instalment the permanent value of this remarkable series becomes 
more and more obvious. When completed all students of early and later religions will 
probably find it indispensable for general reference and comparative purposes. So much 
may at once be inferred from Mr. Bailey's well-digested essay, which, allowing for a 
few inevitable drawbacks, presents on the whole a thoroughly trustworthy picture of 
the Roman system. Emphasis is here rightly placed on its two distinguishing features 
— the essentially legal aspect of public worship, and its gradual development from the 
original private worship which appears to have been such a distinctive character of 
the proto- Aryan religion. The mental attitude of the Roman, it is pointed out, was 
that of the lawyer ; there was little of sentiment or affection in the State cult, which 
was conducted with formal exactness on clearly -defined principles; the jus sacrum 
was a department of the jus publicum^ and its founder was not a prophet or a priest, 
but Numa, king and lawgiver in one. Hence the relation of the body politic towards 
the higher powers was in the nature of a civil contract between man and the gods, 
involving mutual obligations and requiring extreme care in the performance of the public 
ritual of the feralia or sacra popularia^ as distinguished from the private offices, the 
parentalia or sacra privata^ which admitted of greater freedom and more devotion. In 
the household worship " there was an element more truly religious than anything we 
" should gather from the ceremonies of the state. The ideas are simpler, the numina 
*' seem less cold and more protective, the worshippers more sensible of divine aid " 
(p. 49). A well-grounded distinction is here drawn between the numen and the deus^ 
the former always vague and indefinite until it receives a name, and then becomes 
a dens with a distinct personality, though at first merely the spirit of the " animistic " 
period. 

Amongst these animistic beings are included the Lares, who have given rise to 
much dis(*ussion, and are here strangely described as " in origin the spirits of the 
** family fields." The lares rurales (Tibullus) may no doubt be so described, but 
surely not the Pnestites and Compitales (Ovid), the Viales (Plautus), the Marini (Livy), 
nor the J^ares in general, whose very luime {Lar^ Lars^ king, chief) betrays their 
Etruscan origin. Mr. Bailey, however, rightly rejects the theory that they were "the 
" spirits of the dead ancestors and the Lar familiaris an embodiment of all the family 
*' <lead." He presided at the hearth, and no doubt could have arisen on this point if 
the original meaning of the word familia had not been forgotten. In later Latin patet' 
familias has the modern sense ; but a reference to the more archaic sister tongues 
(Umbrian, Oscan) shows that the root word meant not family^ but house^ abodcy 
whence the Oscan faamaf^ he dwells, occurring in several inscriptions from Pompeii. 

[ 92 ] 



1907.] MAN. [No. 57. 

Lar familiaris had therefore nothing to do with the ances>tral sonla, but ouly with 
their habitations in this world. 

In his explanation of the difference between the pontifex and t\\Q flame n Mr. Bailey 
ratlier misses the point. The flamines are the real priests who always presided at the 
bnrnt offerings, as Indicated by their name from the root of Jlamma. The pontifices 
were not priests at all originally, but engineers, as again indicated by their name, 
meaning " bridge-builders." This takes us back to the migration period when bridge- 
building was a work of capital importance for a people who had to cross many 
swollen streams along the line of march. But the technical function was a crime 
against the river-god, which had to be expiated by the offenders, that is, by the bridge- 
builders, whose office thus gradually acquired a priestly character. Thus it came about 
that the engineer-in-chief became the Pontifex MaximuSy a title later assumed by 
the Roman emperors and still borne by the head of the Roman Church. It is to be 
remembered that many religious institutions of later times find their obvious explana- 
tion in the practical purposes of primitive society (cf. taboo^ totcmisniy &c.). Here, 
as I have elsewhere explained (Max, 1907, 47), the expiation were the senes 
scxagenariiy later replaced by the argei or straw figures thrown into the Tiber, not 
as '""a symbolic wetting of the crops," as suggested by Mr. Bailey, but as substitutes 
for the human offerings to the offended river-god. 

Mr. Bailey concludes with a short chapter on the slight relation in which the 
Roman system stood towards the moral order, aptly remarking, however, that " the 
*' religion of Rome was the sanctification of patriotism — the Roman citizen's highest 
*' moral ideal." 

Dr. Pinches has well chosen the tille of his learned treatise, which shows at a 
glance that the religion of the non-Semitic Sumero- Akkadians was not merely like, 
but identical with, that of their Semitic Assyrian successors in Mesopotamia. There 
were certainly two pantheons, at least in later times ; that is, after the Assyrian 
element became dominant, about 2000 b.c. or earlier. But they differed little more 
than in name, and were of such a homogeneous character that the two were eventually 
merged in one system, with, so to say, two heads, Merodach supreme in Babylonia and 
Ashshnr in Assyria. 

But all this belongs to the relatively late historic times, behind which extends a 
proto-historic period of very long duration, Avhen there were differences due primarily 
to the different political and social relations prevalent in the two lands. In the south, 
between Babylon and the Persian Gulf, the Akkado-Sumerians Avere constituted not 
in a single powerful kingdom, but in numerous petty states, each with its chief god, 
lesser deities and local cults, acting and reacting upon each other from within, but 
free from foreign influences until the advent of the Semitic peoples. But behind these 
independent little pantheons, Avhich became unified under Merodach when Babylon 
rose to the position of political capital of the whole southern region, there existed a 
primitive system of animism which was never eradicated, but permeated the whole 
religious world of Babylonia throughout the historic period. This important point, 
which is so apt to be overlooked in the glamour of the great national myths con- 
cerned with the creation, the deluge, and the wars of the supreme deities — fla, Anu, 
Merodach — with Tiawath and the other natural forces, is rightly enforced by 
Dr. Pinches, whose views on the subject, as those of a leading specialist, will be 
received with gratitude by all students of comparative religions. The Babylonians, 
he writes, attributed life to such objects as trees and plants, to the winds and the 
heavenly bodies, perhaps also to stones, rocks, mountains, and rain, certainly to the 
sea with all rivers and streams animated with the spirit of £a and his children. 
*' Innumerable good and evil spirits were believed in, such as the spirit of the 
" mountain, the sea, the plain, and the grave . . . The legend of Tiawath may 

[ 93 ] 



No. 57.] MAN. [1907. 

" with ^reiit probability be regarded as the remains of a primitive animism which wj*s 
" the ereed of the original Babylonians, who saw in the sea the producer of all the 
" monstronM shapes whi<di are found there." 

Amongst the spirits, mention is made of the utukku and the edimmu (p. 18), 
which are elsewhere (p. 123) explained, the former as a man's "spiritual essence," 
the latter as " the ghostly shadow of his body, resembling in meaning the ka of 
the Egyptians." Here we have an instance of the great value of the.se essays, for 
on turning to Dr. Flinders Petrie's book we find that the Egyptian ka is not the 
" shadow " or even the l>ody, but " the activities of sense and perception," the 
" consciousness," the " self " in our meaning of the word. 

Another point which must be received with some reserve is the statement regarding 
the monotheistic tendencies of the Assyrians and Babylonians, and the absolute mono- 
theism of Abraham and the Israelites. The argument regarding the Babylonians 
seems to prove very little when taken, for instance, in connection with the hymn in 
which ** The gods smelled a sweet savour [of the sacrificial offerings]. The gods 
" gathcHMl like flies over the sacrificer." This is a long way from monotheism, and 
justifies rather Fr. Delitzscirs statement regarding the crass polytheism persisting as 
the stat(! religion in Babylonia '* drei Jahrtausende hindurch" (Bibel und Babelj 
p. 49). Nor were the Jews "a monotheistic nation" till the prophets rose shortly 
iKjfore the exile, while Joshua tells us plainly that Abraham and all his kindred were 
polytheists who "served other gods" when they "dwelt on the other side of the 
" flood in the old time" {Joshua^ xxiv. 2). The popular notion, encouraged by Sayce, 
Hommel, Henan, and a few others, that not only the Israelites but all the Semites were 
monotluMsts from the first, that monotheism was with them, so to say, a racial character, 
is a delusion which should now be abandoned since W. Robertson Smith has shown 
that the religion of Israel itself "was clearly modelled on the forms of Semitic 
** heathenism," and also speaks of " the heathenism of the great mass of the nation " 
{Oid Testament in Jewish Chureh^ pp. 139 and 273). 

This eterinil (juestion of primitive monotheism, of an All-Father, an Ens snprc- 
mutn^ as the root and not the efflorescence of early religious systems, is again raised 
by Dr. IVtrie in his erudite treatise on the Old Egyptian beliefs. His reasoning is 
not easy to follow, owing, partly, to the introduction of much extraneous matter, ^:uch 
as Siberian shamanism, Turanian demon-worship, and Chinese pantheism, not perhaps 
thoroughly graspinl, and partly to apparent contradictions in some essential points. 
But the main contention is that in Egypt " monotheism is the first stage," that 
|K>lytheis!n ** results from combinations of monotheism," that, as in Babylonia, each 
great city had ** but one god to whom others were added," and that "the combinations 
" of these, and their tnln^formations in order to form them in groups when their 
homes were noliticallv unitinl, show how essentiallv thev were solitary deities at 
first." Here there seems to be a confusion between pure Monotheism^ which is 
exclusive, admitting of no associates, and mere monolatry^ which is inclusive, recog- 
nising the eipial claims of others to divine honours. Hence " solitary " is not supreme 
absolutely, but only /orri//y, and the gcnls here in question are merely the ^a/fce^f^ 
^««X*?**** ^^*^' il^^^*^^ ''*^'\ ^^*^* trilml or territorial gods, who had no jurisdiction 
beyond their own districts, and never could have been reganled as supreme lords of 
the universe. The monotheistic concept is also excluded by their intensely anthropo- 
morphic natun*, as described by Dr. Petrie, who tells us that ** to the Egyptian the 
** ginls might be mortal ; even Ha, the sun-gcxl, is said to have grown old and feeble : 
** Osiris was slain ; and i)rion, the great hunter of the heavens, killed and ate the 
** gcnls. . . . The gtxls were also sup|>osed to share in a life like that of man ; 
•* offerings of ftxvl an«l drink wt-re constantlv supplied to them, in Egvpt laid ujwn 

[ 91 i 






1907.] MAN. [No. 57. 

" the altars, in other lands burnt for a sweet savour " (p. 2). Can it for a moment 
be supposed that a people who held such gross views about their greatest and oldest 
deities, had already grasped the sublime concept of a siipreme being ? The nearest 
approach to such a notion is to be recognised rather in the Egyptian p-nutir^ to 
^€iw, the divinum aliquid^ the first faint concept of a god-like unity underlying 
the confused hierarchy of lesser deities, and at most suggestive perhaps of a tendency 
towards monotheism. 

But this vague abstraction is not referred to by Dr. Petrie, although his account 
of the chief gods, their attributes and associated mythologies, is in all other respects 
remarkably full and satisfactory. Here will also be found an adequate description of 
the Book of the Dead, of the high moral standard attained by the early Egyptians, 
of the large part played by charms, incantations, and amulets, that is, by magic rites 
here inextricably interwoven with strictly theological ceremonies, as in all primitive 
religious systems. 

Touching the preparation of the body for its abode in the after-life, it is stated 
that " the careful mummifying of the body became customary only in the third or 
" fourth dynasty" (p. 17). But this view can no longer be held since Dr. J. C. 
Reisner's recent excavations at Naga-ed-Deir, the oldest known settlement of man 
in Egypt, dating from Palaeolithic times, show that some 9,000 or 10,000 years ago 
the l)odies of the dead were already carefully mummified, being preserved in salt and 
wrapped in matting of halfa grass, such as is still used for the same purpose by the 
Kopts of the present day. 

Amongst the charms, mention is made of the Mza, " the sacred eye of Horns,'* 
which " became the most usual of all amulets " (p. 46). This, however, is called 
" the eye of Osiris " in Dr. Haddon's authoritative essay on Magic and Fetishism^ 
which is in some respects complementary to Dr. Petrie's volume. Accepting the current 
nomenclature, for which Dr. Frazer is largely responsible, Dr. Haddon treats the subject 
of magic under perhaps an unnecessary number of headings — Sympathetic Magic, with 
two subdivisions (Contagious and Homoeopathic) ; Magical Power of Names and Words ; 
Talismans and Amulets ; Divination ; Public and Private Magic ; Magicians ; Psycho- 
logy of Magical Practices. But the treatment itself is excellent, quite above criticism 
except on a few points of detail, while the divisions may have their use, as tending 
to clearness. Here, in any case, all is order and system, with little speculation, but an 
abundance of facts and illustrations, which are all the more valuable since many are 
given at first hand as the result of observations made by the writer himself in such 
widely distant parts as Ireland, Borneo, and New Guinea. 

Dr. Haddon plunges at once in medias res^ and, without stopping to define magic 
in general, proceeds to shoAv by instances drawn from all quarters that probably four- 
fifths of mankind still believe in both forms of sympathetic magic. From these instances 
we are led to infer that the root idea of contagious magic is the physical connection 
supposed to exist between two objects, between the whole and its parts, between nail- 
parings, hair-clippings, blood or even clothes, and their owner. Then, whoever gets 
hold of such things, especially if he be an expert, that is, a magician, has the owner 
at his mercy, since " whatever may happen to one part, the other part is similarly 
affected." The notion extends even to personal names, which, like the personal effects^ 
must consequently be carefully concealed from possible enemies. Hence, even in 
Germany, the parings and clippings are still buried under the elder tree in the court- 
yard, and we know what curious superstitions are associated with the elder tree in 
some parts of England, though the reason is forgotten. But what most strikes the 
observer is not so much the universality of these beliefs as the identical processes by 
which the magic effects are procured or hindered. Thus Dr. Haddon writes that, " In 

[ 95 ] 



Nob. 57-68.] MAN. [1907. 









the west of Ireland and in Torres Strait people have refused to tell me their names, 
though there was no objection to someone else giving me the information, the idea 
evidently being that by telling their own name to a stranger they were voluntarily 
putting themselves into the power of that stranger." It seems almost incredible that 
such subtle distinctions should be found amongst Kelts and Papuans living thousands 
of miles apart, and the wonder is increased when both Dr. Haddon (p. 24) and 
Dr. Petrie (p. 10) tell us that somewhat analogous notions already prevailed in Egypt 
some thousands of years ago. 

But it would carry us too far to dwell further on this fascinating topic, and a 
few words must be spared for the section devoted to the closely allied subject of 
Fetishism, Here full justice is done to the late Colonel A. B. Ellis, to whom all 
students of primitive religions are indebted for the first really a<1equate explanation 
of the elusive and much misused word,ye^i*^. To say this is to say that the subject 
is also properly treated by Dr. Haddon, who shows that fetishism is a direct outcome 
of primitive animism, and " forms a basis from which many other modes of religious 
thought have developed, so that it is difficult to point out where fetishism ends and 
nature worship, ancestor worship, totemism, polytheism, and idolatry begin, or to 
*' distinguish between a fetish, an idol, and a deity. It includes conceptions Avhich 
" are purely magical, coercion of the supernatural by means of natural objects " (p. 92). 
Elsewhere it is remarked that the fetish itself, that is, any object possessed of an 
indwelling spirit, may, from one point of view, be regarded merely as a charm or 
amulet, and that tbis is the lowest and commonest form, and " may practically be said 
" to be universal " (p. 81). From this follow momentous consequences, for, if the 
fetish may be degraded to a mere amulet, and is commonly so degraded, it becomes 
the direct parent of all mascots and talismans, of all objects possessing the Polynesian 
mana^ or the Dakotan wakanda, or the Australian arungquiltha,, in a word, of universal 
magic, or, rather, of the innumerable instruments with which the magician plies his 
trade. Thus the onlv difference between tbe fetish as such and the talisman is the 
difference between the indwelling spirit and the mana^ and all objects endowed with 
mana were originally fetishes of which the pedigree is forgotten. 

A serious drawback to the utility of the series is the omission of indexes to all the 
volumes so far issued, Dr. Petric's alone excepted. A few slips may here be noticed 
for correction in future editions. Dr. Pinches has Aries for Ares (p. 80) and jah for 
yah (p. 89) ; Dr. Haddon Jcttatorc for Gettatore (pp. SI and 35) and coma-horn for 
horns (p. 37), coma being an irregular feminine plural. Dr. Pctrie's suggestion that 
the Denga may now be represented by the Dinhas (p. 63) should be deleted, the 
relation being impossible. A. H. KEANE. 



Africa, Soutli. Buslimen Paintingrs. 

Bushmen Paintings in the Transvaal. PA 

The Transvaal Government Gazette of April 20tb announces the appointment UU 
of a commission consisting of the following gentlemen : — Dr. Kynaston (Geographical 
Survey Department), Mr. T. N. Leslie (Vcreeniging), Mr. J. P. Johnson, M.I.M.M. 
(Johannesburg), and Prof. R. B. Young (Transvaal University College), to report to 
the Government on the Bushmen paintings and stone etchings existing in the 
Transvaal, and as to what steps should be taken to preserve them from decay and 
mutilation. 

Mr. Johnson is the author of the recently published book. The Stone Implements 
of South Africa, 

Printetl by Kybi AND Spottiswoodb, Ills Majesty's Printers, East Haniing Street, E.G. 




CLUBS FROM NORTH AMERICA. 



1907.] 



MAN. 



[No. fig. 



ORIGINAL ARTICLES. 
America, North. With. Plate O. Bushnell. 

Notes on Oortaln Olubs from North Amoriea. By David I. Bush- CA 
veil, Jun. 39 

III the Ashmolean Museum at Osford, amoDg the specimens wLich formerly 
belonged to the old Tradescant collection, are three clubs from North America 
(A, B, C, Plate G.). These are of great interest, as they are, without doubt, the oldest 
existing examples of that type of weapon. 

On p. 46* of the small prioted catalogue is a reference to " Tomahacks, 6 Sorts." 
The three specimens now in the Aahmolean Museum were probably inchtded in 
this entry. 



Chilis of this type were used by the northern Algonqulans and Iroqnt 
were evidently the principal weapon — in addition to the bow and 
arrow — of the Sew England Indians at tbe time of the settlement 
of the northern colonies, as references to them often occur in the 
early records. f We are unable, however, to say how far south along 
the Atlantic coast this type of weapon was used ; but it does not 
appear to have been known to the early historians of Virginia. 

Unfortunately it was not recorded where the specimens were 
obtained. It is the belief of the writer, however, that they came 
from the coast of Now England and were brouglit to England early 
in the seventeenth century, or alwut the time of the settlement of 
the Plymouth colony. 

The three Tradescant clubs are of the same form, but differ 
ttomewhat in projiortions. 

The dii 






580 n 



non 



24 V 



Although the specimen designated as " A " is now the shortest 
of the three it was probably at one time somewhat longer. The 
end is rough and worm-eaten, and appears to have been broken. As 
will V« seen in the photograph, it becomes quite thick and Is round 
in section near the end ; probably this continued for a short distance, 
forming a grip or handle similar to that of the second specimen. 

The second example, " B," is tbe most interesting, as it was at 
one time highly ornamented. The handle, on both sides as well 
as the end, is studded with small pieces of copper, placed in regular p,Q j 

order and forming a simple zig-zag design. Many small, thin tbiakditlab 

pieces of copper — and some brass, showing contact with Europeans dbpbkbsionb on 
— have lieen driven into the ball or knob, but they are irregular '^" back of 
and do not form a design. '"'"^ ^- +" 

On the outer side, extending from the upper end of the handle to the ball are 
twelve triangular depressions arranged as shown in Fig. 1. These range from 2S mm. 
to 38 mm. in length, and are about 3 mm. in depth. These are partly fiUed with a 

■ Mutemn TradocantianvBi; or a CollectiuH of Jtaritiei preterred at Simtk Lambfth near Loitdon, 
by John TradeBcnnt. London: MDCLVI. 

t " Tonmhaakt* be bIavcs oF two footc anil a halfe long, and a knob at one end as round and 
" bigge as a foole-ball." Wowl, Xetc Bnghindi Pranped, 163i (p. 66). (Quoted by Ucntid in 
nr Amfrlr-aa AiUhropolagitt, 1907, p. 109.) 

[ " ] 



No. 59.] MAN. [1907. 

resinous substance. On either side of the ehib and following the outer edge is a 
depression averaging 15 mm. in width and 3 mm. in depth, also having a hard gummy 
substance over the greater part of the surface. In these depressions were probably 
arranged pieces of shell, as in the case of the club supposed to have belonged to 
Philip, referred to by Beauchamp in The Bulletin^ New York State Museum, 
No. 344, 1905» :— 

" The late Rev. F, P. Winne, of Watertown, N.Y., gave the writer an inter- 
esting account of sundry relics of King Philip which came into the hands of the 
Rev. John Chick ley, Mr. Winne's maternal ancestor. Among these was King Philip's 
war club, which was in the hands of another descendant living in New Hartford, 
N.Y., some twenty years ago. Thence it went to Maine." 

Mr. Winne wrote : — 

^^The club I have had in my hands many times, and can describe it. It is a 
piece of hard wood — hard maple, I think — about 14 inches long ... a solid ball 
about 4 inches in diameter, which, with the handle, is cut out of one piece of wood. 
Along the handle on both sides are inserted triangular pieces of what appear to be, 
and I suppose are, oyster shells ; the dark pieces showing the number of Indians 
Philip had killed, and the light pieces the whites." 

These triangular pieces of shell may, however, have been attached merely for 
the purpose of decorating the weapon, as the reference to inlaid clubs in the following 
note would lead us to believe. 

In a volume of manuscripts in the British Museum (MSS. Egerton, 2395, 
fol. 429-30) are papers entitled " State of the Colony of Rhoad Island, From the 
" Commissioners of New England, 1665." In this document the writer found the 
following interesting note : — 

" The Nanhyganset Sachims did in y^ yeare 1641 by writing surrender themselves 
their People & Country unto the late Kings Protection . . . 

" The Sachims did thankfully receave two coates presented to them in his 
Ma"^ name. In acknowledgment of their Subjection they are to pay yearly upon y® 
29 of May Two Wolf Skins to his Ma"® and did now send to Capps of Peag and two 
Clubbs inlayed with Peag for a Present to the King and a fFeather Mantle & a Porcupine 
Bagg for a present to y® Queen, — which were all taken by the Dutch. . . ." 

These " two Clubbs inlayed with Peag " were probably similar to that attributed 
to Philip and the specimen (B) in the Ashmolean Museum. Being able to trace 
four specimens, all dating from the seventeenth century, makes it evident that inlaid 
clubs were not uncommon among the New England Indians, and that inlaying jjieces 
of shell was one method of decorating their weapons. 

This art, as formerly practised by the Algonquian tribes of New England, at 
once suggests the incrusted work found among the ancient ruins in the south-west^ 
and the various objects of Aztec origin from Mexico, as well as certain pieces from 
the north-west coast. 

The third and largest club (C) in the Ashmolean Museum is more crudely made 
than either of the others ; but it has on one side some faint engraving forming a simple 
geometric design, in places rubbed and worn away. All three specimens have retained 
a high polish and appear to have l)een much used. The edges of the handles are 
rounded and worn from use, evidence of age even before they were obtained from the 
Indians nearly three centuries ago. 

Although there are several examples of this form of club in the British Museum,, 
there is only one of special interest, which is now figured (D, Plate G.). This most 
interesting old specimen has an extreme length of 535 mm. ; it is highly polished and 



• 1 am indebted to Mr. F. W. Hodge, of the Bureau of American Ethnology, for this reference. 

[ 98 ] 



1907.] MAN. [Nos. 59-60. 

greatly worn, evidently the result of age and tise. Unfortunatety it is not known 
where it wsb collected. 

The peculiar characteristic of this piece is the earve<l figure extcndiug along 
the convex surface, which may represent the totem of the maker of the weapon. 
The head of the animal restH aboVe the ball of the club, two legs arc represente<1 on 
either side, and the tail is long and pointed, having six transverse grooves near the 
lower end. The under part of the head, the foui^ legs and the lower half of the tail, 
are attached to the club, the intervening spaces having been cut entirely through. 
On the side shown in the photograph there ia some very faint engraving. 

The four specimens already described are made of a heavy close-grained wood, 
probably maple, now turned dark with age. 

A small club of a similar form, but rather too light to have been » serviceable 
weapon, belongs to the collection of the ColJegio di Propaganda Fide, Rome 
(E, Plate G.).* The dimensions are— length, 320 mm.; the hall is 47 mm. in diameter. 
The handle is rectangular in section and measures 23 mm. by 1 1 mm. Long narrow 
strips of tanned buckskia, bound at abort intervals with porcupine quills coloured red 
and white, are wrapped around the handle. This was brought from America by a 
missionary, and should probably be attributed to the Iroquois. 

While all these specimens are of great interest and value, the decorated example 
(B) in the Ashmolean Museum is especially so, and it would be of interest to know if 
similar pieces exist in any European collections. DAVID I. BUSHNELL, Jk. 

Exi'LAXATION OF PtATE. 

Figs. A, B, C. — Clubs in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. 

Fig. D. — Club in the British Museum. 

Fig. £. — Club in the Collegio di Propaganda Fi<Ie, Rome. 

Aroliseolog; : Eoliths. Smith. 

Nature-mado "Eollthlo Implamant*." Bt/ fVortkington G. Smith, CA 
F.L.S. OU 

Of the three illustrations given below, Figs. 1 and 2 are selected fron a seres 
of forty typical examples very kindly forwarded to me for exam uat o and II sCrat on 
in I90i, by Dr. H. P. Blackmore of Salisbury. Fg 3 was fomd ly myaelf near 
Dunstable, where " eolithic implements " occur 
in bewildering profusion. ^ ^ 

The two Salisbury specimens are from 
Alderbury, and are in the Blackmore Museum. 
The illustrations are drawn to half scale to 
match many similar illustrations published else- 
where. 

Fig. 1 from Alderbury ia exhibited as a 
hollow or concave scraper ; both sides of the 
stone and a section are given in the illustra- 
tion ; the section is taken on the dotted line 
seen on the right-hand figure. The section 
shows — hy the dotted lines near B — that the 
thinnest part of the flint has been abraded away, and the two arrows on the right- 
hand figure show the direction of the force which caused the abrasion. If we 
imagine a pebble to have once existed at B — on the section— and moved abont 
slightly under great pressure during the deposition of the drift in which " the scraper " 
* Tbe writer figurad ■ drawing of this specimen in Tht American A HthropaUigitt, 1906, p. 252. 
C 99 ] 




■«. 60.] HAN. aan. 

w»* fonii'l, ri irfxiM und'HiliKsllr liave miirmleil kwar ifae wesk pari of the flint koJ 
f'fnn^l ih^ lyiticavitr. At lliK i-arnc time the p^kiile wonid deposit ibe miDQU iletAcbol 
frHfiiiii-.uU 111 flint ni:%T t'>, '>r on one i>i<le of, tlie .■^iodc. It will be wen. both on ibe 
M^-Xvih at A aii'l on the riffbl-band fi^ire, that ihew nnall flint fra^tDent:i :still remain 
•m (111! •Uiui:, t'l wliich tliey art; uadirallv 4;einenteil in a thin fermsinons connreiion. 
On l'i"kinv at ibM ^lone with a len.t I felt that I could i>e« the •mall hollows into 
whifrh ib<- littln ailli'^rent Hiiltnt^-K of flint wnnld fit. 

Vitt. '£'}• ti \»Tict:r and (hicksr example of " Iiollow-Mraper," *\m from Alderbury. 
On lh<: orisfipinl -lone an arrow ir placed near the hollow at A to indicate thai the flint 
i^ a "li'fll'iw— rraji»r" of human oriffin. The arrowii placed bj me on the illustration 
indi'-Mfe ihi: >lire<:iion of the for'« whioh ha.f cau:<«d the depre^^ion. As in the last, 
lln! dirtHcltfl K|>liiiterH from the hollow of the flint are iilill pre^ni on one side of 
lh<! iitiiiit!. (ixMl — am'tnf!^! Kaud — in a thin femiginou.-i concretion. The small frag- 
iw.nt' of flint an- of MUidi h form, rfizc, aiul colour, that they clearly prove — to me 





FlO. 3.—" EOLITH," CALiDINOTO.V, NEAR 
Df NSTABLB. ) SCALE. 



! forined llmt part of the 



which 



represented by the 



V'nc. :\ JH II very tyiiiual example of a no-called "eolith," almost identical in 
n\f.l^ mill "liiipc! with a H)icciuieii from Dawlifli, in the Blackmore Muaenm. The 
cxitniplr i-utiii' from Cail.liiiKtoii, near DunHtable. One side and nil the four edges are 
illiiNlriili'il in thii figure. I toik tliu stone direct from n factnfi; of dry pebbly clay in 
n cliiy |iii. As I displiiccil ihii stiino from its matrix I noticed that a nimlur of very 

M II pidilili's mid Aim fra^inuiits fell from it to the base of the pit, which base was 

roMTod with dry, dusty cliiy, polil.los and piooos of flint. To recover any missing 
friiKUH'ul" sccnuvil iibHoliiloly ho|)clcss, liut iifier considerable searching I at last found 
mid r<<-iillin'lK'<l ibo llrilii flaku nhown at A. This small flake and the hollow into 
whii'h il Ills iirii in precisely the tiamo minentl condition as the other parts of the 
flinl. Niiw if iuii> small flake cun bo ilutnchcd l)y natural pressure by a small pebble 
ill an iiiidiHliU'bi'd Iwd <if drift cliiy, it seems, lo me, to follow that all the other small 
lhikc« I'lmld Ik' — oud netiinlly wore — displaced in a similar manner. 

WORTHINGTOK G. SMITH. 



4( ( 
44 



1907.] MAN. [No. 6U 

Australia. Howitt. 

The Native Tribes of 8outh-East Australia. By A. fV. Howitt, 0| 
C.M.G., Sc.D. 01 

In Man, 1906, 81, I noticed a communication from Mr. Andrew Lang in 
which he says, "I much regret to find that in my paper on 'The Primitive and 
Advanced in Totemism ' I have misunderstood and therefore misrepresented a 
passage in Mr. Howitt's Native Tribes of South'East Australia^ p. 500. Of this 
error I was entirely unaware till I read . . • Mr. Howitt's letter to Folk- 
" Lore:' 

Mr. Lang also expresses his regret that he was not earlier made aware of his 
blunder, that he might have withdrawn his words. I did not reply to this at the 
time because I was preparing a paper upon the numerous passages in The Secret oj 
the Totem^ to which I am compelled to take exception. I feel, however, that since 
Mr. Lang has made his explanations in Man, it is incumbent on me to make my 
comments on his statements through the same medium. Mr. Lang^s strictures on 
my work in the paper quoted are, however, a mere repetition of a fuller statement 
of his opinions, which will be found at pp. 197 to 200 of The Secret of the 
Totem, 

He there accuses me of an apparent failure to take into consideration previously 
stated facts in the question of Australian religious beliefs, and also of making state- 
ments in collision with my own evidence. As this and other similar statements 
have been widely spread abroad in other publications I must, in my own defence, 
make the actual facts of this matter as widely known, more especially as Mr. Lang 
(^The Secret of the Totem^ p. 197) involves Dr. J. G. Frazer in the same charge. 

In the first place I must point out that the passage which Mr. Lang quoted in 
his communication to Man is only part of the quotation which forms the basis of 
his reflection upon me. 

This original quotation, given in The Secret of the Totem^ pp. 197, 198, is 
termed a " passage from Mr. Howitt," and consists of four selected and rearranged 
pieces of a summary, twenty-seven lines in length, of the evidence on which I base 
my theory of the Tribal All-Father. (Native Tribes of South- East Australia^ 
pp. 499, 500.) 

The first piece is taken from the thirteenth to the sixteenth lines, omitting the 
important commencement of the sentence ; the second is from the nineteenth and 
twentieth lines, being part of a sentence bisected by the interpolation of the third 
extract broiight down from the sixth, seventh, and eighth lines. The other half of 
the sentence, together with the rest of the summary, completes the quotation. 

The '' passage *' which Mr. Lang now quotes as having been misunderstood and, 
therefore, misrepresented by him is part of the fourth extract, but it is not the 
material matter at issue. 

This manipulated '' passage ^^ enabled Mr. Lang to launch his adverse criticism, 
thus supporting his own views on questions of Australian religious beliefs by errors 
which he attributed to me. 

The statement " in collision with my own facts " is only to be found correctly 
in The Secret of the Totem, at pp. 197, 198, and is as like my original statement 
as the " pussy-cat " and " porcupine " on the cover of Mr. Lang^s book are to the 
Australian echidna (porcupine) and dasyums (native cat). 

Mr. Lang says (Man, 1906, 81), "whether my mistake was natural or not 
" readers may determine for themselves." 

I quite concur in this, but invite readers to form their opinion not merely on 
the harmless quotation which Mr. Lang has selected, but on the whole quotation as 
given at pp. 197, 198, of The Secret of the Totem. 

r 101 ] 



Nos. 61-^2.] MAN. [1907. 

I should much like to be able to think that Mr. Lang had merely misunder- 
stood my meaning as expressed in my summary, but the serious charge levelled 
against Dr. J. G. Frazer and myself rests upon a selection of four separated parts 
of that summary, the bisection of one sentence, and the rearrangement of others. 

It is very hard to understand how Mr. Lang can have forgotten, that which seems 
to me to have necessarily required the exercise of volition. A. W. HOWITT. 



Australia. Lang. 

The Native Tribes of 8outh-East Australia. A Reply to Dr. OQ 
HoiMf itt : By Andrew Lang, ll£ 

When revising the proof-sheets of The Secret of the Totem in September 1905 
I observed a statement by Mr. Howitt {Native Tribes of South-East Australia^ 
pp. 499, 500) which appeared to me to be contradicted by his own evidence. Often 
as I read his pages I could understand them only in one way. I took him to mean 
that the belief in what he styles an " All-Father " only occurs among tribes in a 
forward stage of what we regard as social advance. But Mr. Howitt's own testimony 
proved that the belief exists among tribes who have not arrived at that stage. 

I therefore, in The Secret of the Totem and elsewhere, pointed out and criticised 
the apparent inconsistency. When I learned, from a paper by Mr. Howitt in Folk- 
Lore (July 1906), that he did not mean what to me (and to others) he seemed to 
mean, I publicly and privately apologised to Mr. Howitt for my misunderstanding, and 
I withdrew all my criticism based upon my error of apprehension. 

Mr. Howitt remains unsatisfied. He ^^ would much like to be able to think that 
" I merely misunderstood his meaning as expressed in his summary." This implies 
that, when he wrote, Mr. Howitt did not regard my mistake as unconscious and 
involuntary. If that is, or was, or is to be, his opinion (I can never more feel sure 
that I understand what Mr. Howitt means), so be it. But I proceed to quote the 
entire passage which Mr. Howitt accuses me of garbling. I shall next try to show 
that the passage is, first, misleading in style, and, secondly, is erroneous, or shall T 
say inadequate ? in statement of facts. 

Mr. Howitt's remarks I copy, beginning at the last paragraph of Native Tribes 
of South' East Australia^ p. 499: "It seems quite clear that Nurrundere, Nurellij 
" Bunjil, Mungan-ngauOy Daramulun, and Baiame, all represent the same being under 
" difTerent names. To this may be reasonably added Koin of the Lake Macquarie 
tribes, Maamba^ Birraly and Kohin of those on the Herbert River, thus extending 
the range of this belief certainly over the whole of Victoria and of New South 
Wales, up to the eastern boundaries of the tribes of the Darling River. If the 
" Queensland coast tribes are included, then the Avestern boundaries might be indicated 
" by a line drawn from the mouth of the Murray River to Cardwell, including the 
" Great Dividing Range, with some of the fall inland {sic) in New South Wales. 
" This would define the part of Australia in which a belief exists in an anthropo- 
" morphic supernatural being, who lives in the sky, and who is supposed to have 
*' some kind of influence on the morals of the natives. No such belief seems to 
*' obtain in the remainder of Australia, although there are indications of a belief in 
" anthropomorphic beings inhabiting the skyland. That part of Australia which I 
*' have indicated as the habitat of tribes having that belief" [I take Mr. Howitt to 
mean the belief in a supernatural being with supposed moral influence], " is also the 
area where there has been the advance from group marriage to individual marriage, 
from descent in the female line to that in the male line ; where the primitive 
•' organisation under the class system has been more or less replaced by an organisation 
" based on locality ; in fact, where those advances have been made to which I have 
" more than once drawn attention in this work." 

[ 102 ] 



(4 



4( 
4< 






1907.] MAN. [No. 62- 

This, I think, is the eatire of the passage which, in The Secret of (he Totem^ 
pp. 197, 198, 1 treated in the following terms : "I quote a passage from Mr. Howitt, 
*' which Mr. Frazer restates in his own words " (namely, in The Fortnightly RevieWy 
September 1905). " He defines 'the part of Australia in which a belief exists in an 
*' ' anthropomorphic supernatural being, who lives in the sky, and who is supposed to 

' have some kind of influence on the morals of the natives That part 

' of Australia which I have indicated as the habitat of tribes having that belief 
(namely, " certainly the whole of Victoria and of New South Wales up to the eastern 
*' boundaries of the Darling River ") " * is also the area where there has been the 
*' ' advance from group marriage to individual marriage, from descent in the female 
*' ' line to that in the male line ; where the primitive organisation under the class 
" ' system has been more or less replaced by an organisation based on locality — in fact, 
" * where those advances have been made to which I have more than once drawn 
** * attention in this work.' " 

The reader may now compare Mr. Howitt's twenty-seven lines with my attempt 
to condense them. If in that attempt I have wronged him it was done unwittingly. 
What I wanted to get at was the last sentence in his twenty-seven lines, beginning 
" That part," and ending '* in this work." It was here that (as I later learned with 
much regret) I misunderstood and misrepresented Mr. Hewitt's ideas. I understood 
him to mean that all the tribes who, in the region defined, have the All-Father belief, 
have also all advanced " from group marriage " to individual marriage, from descent in 
the female line to that in the male line ; that the primitive organisation under the class 
system has been more or less replaced by an organisation based on locality, and so on, 
as above. If Mr. Howitt meant that (as I firmly believed he did), then his statement 
was contradicted by his evidence, which proves that tribes with female descent, and 
" primitive organisation under the class system," have the All-Father belief as much 
as the advanced tribes with male descent and local organisation. But Mr. Howitt 
did not mean that, and he has explained that the south-east natives without the All- 
Father belief are mainly those who practise what he calls " group marriages " ; what 
I call Pirrauru and Piraungaru, 

As soon as I learned Mr. Hewitt's real meaning I apologised, and withdrew all 
criticisms based on my error of apprehension. But, without his own explanation I 
could only understand his words as I did. I quote, for the first time, another passage 
of his which, without his explanation, would be to me equally misleading. Native 
Tribes^ &c., p. 506 : " In the tribes of South-£ast Australia the ancestors appear in 
*' the guise of totems or theriomorphic human beings, in some respects resembling both 
^' the Alcheringa ancestors and the Mura-Muras. But it must be remembered that in 
*' these tribes there has been a clearly marhed advance in the status of society ^ from 
" group marriage to a form of individual marriage^ from descent in the female to 
'^ the male line, and from a society organised on the class systems to one based on 
" localiiyr"* 

Mr. Howitt does not here really mean that among all these tribes there has been 
the advance to reckoning in the male line and to an organisation of society based on 
locality. He means that in some of these tribes the advances have been made. But 
he does not say that the advances have been made '* in some of these tribes," he says 
that thev have been made "in these tribes." 

Ami wrong in thinking this phrase misleading ? 

Again, Mr. Howitt writes : " that part of Australia" — where the All-Father belief 
exists — ** is also the area" where the social advances have been made. Now certain 
parts of " that part of Australia " make one of the areas in which the social advances 
have been made ; they are not the area of the advances. These advances have been 

* My italics. 
[ 103 ] 



Hos. 62-630 MAN. [1907. 

made in huge northern, western, and central areas, in which, so far, the moral All- 
Father has not been foand as an element of belief. The statement, therefore, of 
Mr. Howitt seems to me if not erroneous, at least quite inadequate. It also gives the 
impression that the All-Father belief co-exists with the social advances, whereas the 
advances are found in very large regions without the belief, and the belief is found 
in regions where two, at least, of the advances have not been made. 

With regard to Mr. Frazer, if he did not misunderstand Mr. Hewitt's meaning 
in the same way as I did (and as a distinguished reviewer did, who "paraphrased 
Howitt, pp. 500-506 "), then I must regret having misunderstood him in precisely the 
same way as I misapprehended the ideas of Mr. Howitt. 

I find that 1 quoted Mr. Frazer thus {Secret of the Totem, p. 199 — citing The 
Fortnightly Review, September 1905, p. 552), " Mr. Frazer puts the case thus, ' it can 
" ' hardly be an accidental coincidence that, as Dr. Howitt has well pointed out, the 
" ' same regions in which the germs of religion begin to appear have also made some 
** ' progress towards a higher form of social and family life.' " 

Now in Australia from the central Arunta to the northern sea, the advances to 
" individual marriage," to male descents, and to local organisation, have been made, 
but — where are the " germs of religion " ? 

On the other hand, among many south-east tribes the advances to male descent 
and to local organisation have not been made, yet " the germs of religion " (the All- 
Father belief) are flourishing there. There is a want of coincidence, whether accidental 
or essential, between the germs of religion and the social advances. 

I am much honoured by Mr. Hewitt's promised criticism upon numerous passages 
in my book. I hope to profit greatly by his censures, and will gladly acknowledge 
any changes in my opinions which he may produce. But if he is not more successful 
in apprehending and stating my ideas than he was in a recent critique published by 
him elsewhere, I may take silence for the better part. ANDREW LANG. 



REVIEWS. 
Australia. Thomas. 

The Native Faces of Australia (Native Races of the British Empire Series). BQ 
By N. W. Thomas. London : Constable, 1906. Pp. xii + 250. 23 x U cm. 00 
Price 6*. net. 

This book, or rather the series it inaugurates, indicates, it may be hoped, an 
awakening of interest on the part of intelligent people in the numerous races living 
under British rule. Amongst the many anomalies of which Englishmen appear at 
times to be even proud, none is perhaps more striking than the absence of interest 
in, or even knowledge of, the many different peoples who form so large a part of 
that empire the praise and glory of which they are never tired of singing. This is 
well exemplified by a fact to which our attention is called each recurring year, viz., 
the empty benches when the House of Commons is called upon to discuss the affairs 
of India. It would be pleasant to believe that the launching of this series of 
manuals is indicative of a change in this regard taking place in the public mind 
and that the works themselves are destined to arouse and spread an interest in the 
many highly interesting peoples in different stages of culture to be found in the King's 
dominions beyond the sea. 

In fifteen chapters Mr. Thomas has given a synopsis of the facts which seem 
best established regarding the physical appearance, mode of life, social organisation, 
and primitive culture of the Australian aborigines. The work bears the impress of 
having been very carefully prepared, and of many original works relating to the 

[ lot 1 



1907.] MAN [No. 63. 

Australian continent having been closely studied and compared. The author appears 
to have felt bound to do little more than put down a record of fact. He would have 
made his work more interesting and attractive had he also at times endeavoured to 
take a more general view and to associate his facts with an account of some distinct 
tribe. A more human and realistic impression would thus have attached to his record. 
If, for example, he had endeavoured to picture that most interesting tribe, the Arunta, 
as far as the many facts concerning them now collected permit, he would have made 
his narrative more attractive, and, we venture to think, not less true. It would have 
afforded an opportunity of bringing home to the popular reader the real significance 
of the Stone Age as a stage of human culture. The stay-at-home writer may, perhaps^ 
shrink from the possibility of his work being compared with that of the long-time 
resident amongst the Australian natives, such as we have in the sympathetic and 
altogether delightful account of the Euahlayi tribe by Mrs. Langloh Parker, yet, after 
his long and careful study of the subject, he might have ventured, and we suspect it 
would not have been without success ; in fact, in his treatment of the subjects of 
religion, magic, and myth Mr. Thomas shows that discernment, sympathy, and interest 
which are necessary for such an undertaking. 

Two short chapters are devoted to those subjects which have of late attracted so 
much attention and given rise to no little controversy — the subjects of social organi- 
sation and marriage. The author shows clearly that he is with Mr. Andrew Lang 
and against Dr. Frazer. It may be doubted whether the views of the last-mentioned 
distinguished anthropologist have so little sympathy and support as Mr. Thomas 
suggests. After dealing with the complexities of the rules regarding marriage, which 
to some people have seemed a complicated matrimonial algebra, he remarks that it 
will be admitted that the system is admirable in its simplicity. We are afraid he will 
be almost alone in this opinion, but can only hope that his account will enable all his 
readers to come to the same conclusion. A greater use of tabular representation 
would probably have aided many in doing so. 

There are thirty-one full-page illustrations, chiefly from photographs, and they 
are commendably clear and life-like. There is also a map, which we regret to find 
very inadequate. Holding, as we do, that a good map should be one of the chief 
features of every ethnographic work or book of travel, and should show clearly all 
places mentioned in the text, we were sorry to find a great many of those to which 
Mr. Thomas refers were not to be found in the small map at the end of the volume. 
In a work appealing to the general public this is particularly unfortunate, as they are 
not likely to take the trouble to look up atlases whilst reading the book. For this the 
publishers are probably responsible, seeing that this defect is becoming more and more 
a feature of books of travel, even of those published at a high price. We offer these 
remarks in the hope that in subsequent volumes of the series, and in further editions 
of the one iinder review, this defect may be rectified. 

At the end of the book is a very short bibliography. It is much to be regretted 
that it is not longer. In the course of the work numerous explorers, travellers 
and authors are referred to, e.g., Grey, Eyre, Tylor, Cook, Threlkeld, Russell, 
and many others, no mention of whom is found in the bibliography. The works of 
these authors might with advantage have been added, if only as explanatory to the 
general reader. Nothing is so likely to interest people in uncivilised races as reading 
a first-hand account of them in some good book of travel, and one great benefit to 
be derived from a series of this kind is in its so arousing interest as to act as an 
incentive to the perusal of the works of the pioneers and explorers of the different 
parts of the empire. E. A. P 



[ 106 ] 



mo. 64.] MAN. [1907. 

Malay. Bland. 

Historical Tombstones of Malacca mostly of Portuguese origin j with the J 
Inscriptions in detail and Illustrated by numerous Photographs, By Robert UT 
Norman Bland. London : Elliot Stock, 1905. Pp. 75. 28 X 21 cm. 

An old-world, palm-girt little town, nestling at the foot of a green hill crowned 
with a mined chnrch, snch is the vision seen from afar dimly through the morning haze 
when one has cast anchor in the sliallow roadstead of Malacca ; such is the memory that 
after many years the sight of this book again revives. Few Asiatic port-towns are as 
heavily laden with historic associations as this most venerable of all European settle- 
.ments in the Far East, over whose red-brown roofs well nigh four centuries have passed 
since first it fell into the hands of men of Western blood and Clu*istian faith ; none has 
such a mellow, fragrant, and undefinable charm. 

The work Mr. Bland has done was well worth doing ; he has here gathered together 
and put on record nearly all that remains of the monuments of the Portuguese and 
Dutch pioneers who laid the foundations of European rule in the Eastern seas. Though 
some of them are not without artistic value, they are interesting by reason of what they 
«tand for, rather than for what they are in themselves, these simple, unpretentious, 
sometimes almost rude, memorials of governors and councillors, priests and merchants, 
women and young children. 

For the most part the photographs representing the tombstones have been well 
executed and do great credit to the gentlemen (all amateur photographers, I believe) 
who took them. There are also illustrations of a cemetery, three churches, the 
old gateway (which is all that is left of the fortress so shamefully destroyed), and 
two plans of the town. But it is disappointing to find that the most venerable 
of the Malacca churches, the old roofless church of Our Lady on the top of the 
hill, where once lay the relics of the great apostle of the Far East, Francis Xavier 
and where most of the monuments figured in this book now are, is represented only 
(and very inadequately) by a picture intended to show the method employed in taking 
the photographs. 

As the illustrations are the most important part of a work of this kind, it is 
fortunate that in the present instance they are so good. For the rest, it must honestly 
be said, is far from perfect. To begin with, the title is a misnomer ; out of forty-three 
tombstones only thirteen (not counting one of which the original inscription has been 
erased and a Dutch one substituted) are of the Portuguese period, the rest being all 
Dutch except three which commemorate Armenians and two of doubtful origin, that 
have no inscriptions but rather Dutch-looking coats-of-arms. The Armenian stones 
are bi-lingual, two of them having Portuguese InBcriptions and the third a Dutch one 
besides inscriptions in Armenian. Of the Armenian texts, except in one case where 
help was afforded by a previous publication, no translations have been given. This is 
to be regretted, for if it had been done Mr. Bland would have been spared the serious 
errors and omissions which disfigure page 28 of his work. In his version of the 
Portuguese ])art of the inscription which he attempts to translate on that page he has 
given a purely imaginary surname to the person commemorated on the tombstone, ami 
has omitted to reproduce his real patronymic, which is perfectly legible on the 
Portuguese original. On page 26, again, by omitting to tianslate the Armenian text, 
Mr. Bland has failed to give the surname of the deceased person, which occurs in the 
Armenian but is not found in the Portuguese version. Similarly on page 6 the place- 
name " Inefa" is a mistake for " Julfa," as a reference to the Armenian original would 
have shown. Mr. Bland seems unable to make up his mind whether " overleden " 
means " buried,'' as he renders it on pages 6 and 60, or "died," as he translates it in 
other places where it occurs. Besides the above, I have noticed a dozen or more 
little inaccuracies, but as a comparison of the illustrations with the transcripts and 

[ 106 ] 



1907.] MAN. [Nos. 64-65. 

trauslatioiis will reveal them to any reader of average intelligence and education, it 
would be mere waste of space to set them out in detail here. 

In his introduction Mr. Bland writes that, apart from the tombstones figured in 
the present volume, " there remain but few memorials of the early history of Malacca,** 
which is unfortunately true, and adds, "the Javanese founders of the Kingdom of 
*' Malacca (thirteenth century) have left nothing, nor have their Malay successors." 
So far as I know, there is no evidence of the existence of Malacca before the last 
quarter of the fourteenth century, and no reason to disbelieve the native chronicles 
which derive the origin of its royal house from Singapore and ultimately from 
Palembang, a Sumatran state that had, to be sure, been a good deal under Javanese 
influence from an early period. Hence probably the source of the undoubtedly Javanese 
titles which some of the Malacca princes are said to have borne. The want of 
memorials of the early days of Malacca is not, I l)elieve, quite as absolute as Mr. Bland 
asserts. 1 have it on the authority of one of the most distinguished of his predecessors 
at Malacca that an ancient tombstone, believed to be that of Sultan Mansur Shah, who 
reigned there in the fifteenth century, is still preserved in the Resident Councillor's 
office. Are there not also Chinese inscribed tombstones on Bukit China and elsewhere 
that go back for a good many generations ? 

If Mr. Bland should happen to return to Malacca, these matters may be worth 
his attention. In the meantime I must add that for his present work, in spite of the 
imperfections noted above, one must be grateful to him. As there is no Archaeological 
Survey Department in the Straits Settlements it is well that an individual official 
should be public-spirited enough to take upon himself some of the burdens which ought 
to be l)orne by such a department. C. O. BLAGDEN. 



Russia. Meakin. 

Russia : Travels and Studies. By Annette M. B. Meakin. Loudon : Hurst 0C 
and Blackett, 1906. Pp. xx + 450. 23 x 15 cm. Price 16«. 00 

This volume, in lucid and simple language, gives an excellent description of the 
living population of European Russia, very little of which appears to have escaped 
Miss Meakin's scrutiny. The manners and customs, the institutions, the industries 
and manufactures, and the conditions of life of the Russian people in town and country 
are described and discussed with all the intelligence and acumen of an experienced 
traveller and observer. 

Miss Meakin illustrates and explains the present state of things, which came under 
her observation, by brief incursions into Russian history, so that we obtain from her 
book, not only a clear idea of the present status of the many races in European Russia, 
but also of their historical evolution. 

The interests of anthropology have not been neglected by Miss Meakin. Her 
description of M. Peredolsky's collection of prehistoric skulls at Novgorod will excite 
the curiosity of physical anthropologists. This collection contains upwards of 800 
skulls found in the neighbourhood of Novgorod, and they are said to be mostly 
pal{Bolithic^ some of the skulls having been found embedded in a layer of lime that 
must at one time have been underneath a glacier. This would appear to indicate the 
existence of preglacial or interglacial man in this part of Russia, and as the number 
of skulls found greatly exceed the number of palaeolithic skulls found in the whole 
of the rest of Europe, the measurement and examination of M. Peredolsky's collection 
must be a matter of the first importance in settling the many vexed questions 
as to the origin and evolution of man in Europe. 

The interesting chapter on the German colonies in Russia forms an excellent 
example of the advantages which a country may derive from the introduction of 

r 107 ] 






Nob. 66-66.] MAN. [1907. 

Buperior stock. About 1770, Catherine II of Russia, a German princess, settled a 
colony of German Lutherans on the Volga, in the neighbourhood of Saratoff. This, 
colony has become at the present time one of the richest and finest of all the colonies 
on the Volga. The Lutherans have introduced new industries. " Their intelligence 
being more developed than that of the Russian peasant, they set about their work in 
a more scientific manner, carefully choosing plots of land from what has hitherto- 
** been unreclaimed marsh, they soon find themselves the happy possessors of flourishing 
" farmsteads. The Russian peasants are not sufficiently advanced to cope with their 
" difficulties, consequently they are quickly outstripped by the Germans." No better 
illustration could be furnished of the importance of good stock in the population of 
a country ; the difference in their wealth-producing powers in the same environment 
being clearly shown by the contrast between the present economic conditions of the 
Russian and German inhabitants of the lower Volga. 

Miss Meakin considers that the persecution of the Jews in Russia is a mistake^ 
as it is the Jews who bring prosperity to the towns. 

The black-earth region of Russia appears to be a splendid agricultural country. 
But, notwithstanding that, the Russian peasant is in a very backward condition, 
subsisting principally on coarse bread and vegetables. The author states that educa- 
tion does net improve the peasant, but makes him worse, and that the neighbourhood 
of towns has a specially deleterious influence on the character of the female peasant.. 
This latter phenomenon is not unknown in this country. 

The higher education appears to be well provided * for, seeing that a provincial 
town like Kharkoff has a university with 1,500 students, and a technical institute 
with 400 students. 

The descriptions of the Crimea are very interesting, and especially of the 
archfeological* finds preserved in the local museums. 

Miss Meakin^s book is one that will be read with pleasure by the general reader^ 
and contains much information of great value to the serioiis student of the anthropology 
and sociology of Russia. J. G^ 



Anthpopologry. Pitt-Rivers. 

The Evolution of Culture and other Essays. By the late Lieut.-General Vttt 
A. Lane-Fox Pitt-Rivers. Edited by J. L. Myres, M.A., with an Introduc- OW 
tion by Henry Balfour, M.A. Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1906. Pp. xx + 228* 
23 X 14 cm. Price 7«. 6rf. 

This reprint of some of General Pitt-Rivers' most instructive work, issued for 
the benefit of candidates for the Oxford diploma, needs no recommendation to anyone 
at all familiar with the history of anthropology in England during the last forty years* 
The application of the evolutionary idea to human inventions was a new and l)old 
step in the sixties of the last century, but it inevitably followed the changed outlook 
upon nature resulting from the scientific movement of the time. To make the appli- 
cation in this new field required something more than average ability. The capacity 
for taking infinite pains is only one quality of genius. Equally important is that 
power of alert and sustained attention to which alone facts reveal their full significance ; 
and its presence or absence may make all the difference between a discoverer and a 
drudge. General Pitt-Rivers possessed it in the highest degree. His professional 
duties required him to devote his full attention to a certain human invention — the 
firearm, and what he observed in this particular province led him from conclusion 
to conclusion, until the well-known theories upon evolution in handiwork were formed 
within his brain. An equally excellent officer without genius would have sent in a 
praiseworthy report upon the improvement of service weapons, without ever perceiving 

[ 108 ] 



1907.] MAN. [Nos. 66-67. 

the wide range of affinities which connect civilised and savage instruments of 
-destruction. 

It is needless to dwell upon General Pitt-Rivers' published work in ethnology, 
or upon those parts of it presented to the public in this volume. The tenor of the 
-essays on *' The Evolution of Culture," " The Principles of Classification," " Primitive 
Warfare," and " Early Modes of Navigation " is sufficiently well known, while Mr. 
Henry Balfour's excellent introduction indicates their position with regard to the 
present standpoint of anthropological science. It was fitting that the Keeper of the 
Collections which form a lasting monument to a distinguished man should have been 
•entrusted with the task of introducing these essays to a younger generation than that 
for which they were originally written. To Mr. Myres fell a more thankless task, 
but his accurate discharge of it has added to his already considerable services to 
British anthropology. 

The publication by our great universities of standard anthropological work in a 
•cheap and convenient form is a welcome sign of the times. Anthropology by its 
somewhat forbidding name often repels the young, who are apt to believe that all 
concerned with it are uninspiring and unattractive persons. The career of General 
Pitt-Rivers is well calculated to encourage sympathy with anthropological aims, and 
perseverance in their pursuit. Here was no Smelfungus, but a man of action and an 
officer in the Guards, making himself a name in the world of science. What man 
has done, man can do ; and an example so brilliant may be expected to find imitators 
■among those destined to defend and govern the remoter provinces of the Empire. 

O. M. D. 

Africa, South. Jolinson. 

The Stone Implements of South Africa, 'By J. P. Johnson. London : BT 
Longmans, 1907. Pp. 53. 25 x 19 cm. Price 7*. 6d. Of 

Mr. J. P. Johnson, of Johannesburg, is an enthusiastic investigator of the Stone 
Age as it occurs in South Africa, and the present volume, giving brief accounts of 
«ome of his finds, is a welcome one. In it an attempt is made to co-ordinate his 
various discoveries of stone implements, and to assign to the different finds their proper 
places in the culture sequence of the region. He aims at showing that three well- 
defined culture strata are manifest, con*esponding with the periods of the Stone Age 
known as the eolithic, p'llajolithic, and neolithic in Europe. As regards the first of 
these periotls, Mr. Johnson approaches the subject with some caution, and, while con- 
vinced himself as to the artificiality of the very rude forms which he groups as eoliths, 
he admits that "their association with others in which the trimming, though of the 
same rude kind, is arranged in definite patterns is the sole ground upon which they 
can be accepted." For the present, until some certain means are discovered whereby 
the rudest artificial flaking can be distinguished from nature-flaking, it is well to admit 
that the chief evidence in favour of the ruder eoliths is to be derived from their 
associations and gisement. It is interesting, none the less, to find that evidence exists 
of a possible, if not probable, pre-palseolithic culture in South Africa. Four localities 
are mentioned in connection with eolithic finds. The palseolithic group is more firmly 
established. In the neighbourhood of the Victoria Falls the evidence of true palaeo- 
lithic conditions is becoming more and more clear. Implements of characteristic 
•* river-drift " form have been found under geological conditions implying enormous 
antiquity, and in the Vaal River deposits striking evidence is also found, notably at 
Barkly and Vereeniging, pointing to conditions comparable with the palseolithic con- 
ditions in Europe. At Vereeniging there seems to be evidence of an ancient quarry 
workshop for quarlzite implements, recalling to one's mind the quarry workshop on 
Piney Branch near Washington, U.S.A., though to the latter no great age is assignable. 

[ 109 ] 



•4( 



No8. 67-68.] MAN [1907, 

At Prieska, on the Orange River, implements of palaBolithie type were found in situ 
in terrace-gravel deposits which are cemented into a hard conglomerate. The terrace- 
gravels afford the best evidence of great antiquity of stone implements, and it is to 
be hoped that these may be searched thoroughly in South Africa, and that other 
researchers may be tempted to follow Mr. Johnson^s example in devoting serious 
attention to them. 

The " advanced groups," corresponding with later Stone Age implements in 
Europe, bring us to forms which for the most part have long been familiar. Small, 
delicate scrapers are very prominent, and often remind one of those of the later "Cave 
Period in France, while the frequency with which they are found in the debris of 
caves decorated with Bushman paintings renders it probable that many of these imple- 
ments were the tools of the Bushman people, who remained in a '* Stone Age " until 
comparatively recently. One of the most interesting discoveries is that of minute 
worked flakes exactly comparable with the " pigmy flints " of Europe and India. In 
some cases it seems likely that these may have been employed in making the beads 
of ostrich egg-shell which are so characteristic of South Africa, and which also are 
found in the Sahara region. 

The collection of short chapters which together form this book aim at establishing 
a definite sequence of periods, the "primitive," " palteolithic," and "advanced," as 
Mr. Johnson styles them ; and, although the sequence is not yet absolutely clear, the 
author is to be congratulated upon having advanced the scientific study of the subject 
very materially. HENRY BALFOUR. 



India. Logan. 

Old Chipped Sto?ies of India. By A. C. Logan, I.C.S. Calcutta : Thacker, 0Q 
Spink. London : W. Thacker & Co., 1906. Pp. viii -f 85 ; eleven figures. OQ 
22 X 14 cm. Price 4*. 

This little book, which is founded on the collection in the Calcutta Museum, is 
a welcome addition to the literature of prehistoric archaeology. It draws public attention 
to the important collections that have been made in our Indian dependencies. We must 
all deplore with the author the fact that the greater number of these ancient stone 
implements should lie " huddled in confusion in a cabinet in the zoological office," and 
it is to be hoped that the work of the author will be instrumental in finding them a 
more fitting place of abode. 

The work before us gives, in a concise and readily accessible form, an account of 
the Palaeolithic implements of India, a record of the localities in which they have been 
found, and a discussion of the geological horizon to which they belong. The author 
criticises the hesitancy sometimes expressed to accept the Palaeolithic age of the 
quartzite implements from the laterite beds of India. In the opinion of the present 
writer this criticism is fully justified, for not only do the river drift implements of 
Western Europe and the laterite implements of India show the same general technique 
of workmanship, but, what is of even more importance, they evidently belong to 
a similar geological horizon in the two areas. In fact, while discussing the opinions and 
theories of other writers, the author generally takes a sound and commonsensc view. 
Unfortunately he does not show the same power of critical discrimination when dealing 
with hypotheses of his own creation. 

The author proposes to change the universally accepted meaning of the word 
Palttiolithic, and also to use the term " Mesolithic " in an entirelv new sense. It is 
strange that writers upon scientific subjects, whose works should be models of clearness 
and precision, will thus alter the established language of science according to their own 
individual fancy, regardless of the confusion which this practice occasions. 

[ 110 ] 



1907.] MAN. [Nob. 68-70. 

The author is at bis best wbile describing the local discoveries, and would have 
been well advised to have omitted the discussions upon the race type and migrations of 
PalaBolithic man, and also his geological theories, in both of which he lajs himself open 
to criticism. In one place he does a simple nile-of-three sum to prove that Neolithic 
man goes back 100,000 years ; and this is given as a safe under-estimate of his actual 
age. But the conditions are not so simple as to admit of such an easy solution ; and 
this, like some other conclusions in the book, is without scientific value. 

On the other side the book contains some excellent photographic reproductions of 
the implements dealt with, and there are also good and clear descriptions of the different 
types, among which those with an axe-like cutting edge and a pointed butt are perhaps 
the most interesting. We would fain " ask for more " upon these lines at the expense 
of the less satisfactory parts of the volume. Still, the book will be an exceedingly 
useful one to those who can readily discount the doubtful theories for themselves, and 
who want a concise account of the Indian discoveries without the trouble and difficulty 
of piecing together the notices scattered through Indian and other scientific publications 
during the last half century. S. HAZZLEDINE WARREN. 



Sociology. Thomas. 

Sex and Society : Studies in the Social Psychology of Sex. By William I. A 
Thomas, Associate Professor of Sociology in the University of Chicago. UO 
London : T. Fisher Unwin, 1907. Pp. vii + 325. 20 x U cm. Price 6*. 6r/. net. 

This book consists of republished essays and its reissue in book form is fully 
justified by the thread of connection which runs through the whole in the idea that 
many features of human society are to be explained by a fundamental difference in 
the constitution of men and women, a difference of which the most summary expression 
is that man is more motor and woman more stationary. The most important parts of 
the book .are those dealing with the influence of this difference on forms of social 
organisation, and the author refers the origin of exogamy and the wide prevalence of 
matrilineal descent to the greater restlessness of man and the more stationary habits 
of woman. 

The author's treatment raises many interesting questions as to the part which 
psychological explanations are to play in primitive sociology, and the factors discussed by 
him must be taken into account by sociologists, though it is very doubtful whether they 
alone can have brought into existence the institutions of exogamy and mother-right. 

It must be mentioned that Professor Thomas is not quite up-to-date in his 
knowledge of the work of English anthropologists, and he quotes from the older work 
of Crawley, Haddon, and Howitt instead of from their most recent works, sometimes 
with unsatisfactory results. Thus he ascribes the practice of elopement among the 
Kurnai to the appropriation of the women by the older men, while Howitt in his latest 
work refers the custom to the extensive restrictions on marriage dependent on kinship, 
&c. Again, in discussing the evidence for the prevalence of wife-capture, the author 
refers the supposed survivals to the natural coyness of the female and does not mention 
the important views developed by Mr. Crawley in The Mystic Rose, 

W. H. R. RIVERS. 

ANNOUNCEMENT. 
Anthropolo^rical Institute : Aufl^mentatlon of Title. "IH 

By command of His Majesty the King, the Anthropological Institute will f U 
henceforth be known as the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and 
Ireland. On receipt of His Majesty's gracious command, the necessary steps were at 
once taken to procure the re-registration of the Institute under its new title. The 
necessary formalities are now complete, and the change of name has been effected 

r 111 ] 



No. 70.] MAN. 11907. 

The enormous value in their practical application of the branches of study comprised 
under the title Anthropology has been often enforced ; and, indeed, is obvious to all 
who have even a slight acquaintance with any of them ; but this value has been very 
slow to obtain anything approaching general recognition, especially in this country. 
The fact is strange, because it is so evident that the highest practical value which 
applied anthropology can show is in connection with colonial administration. 

It is, of course, a truism among anthropologists that by far the greater number of the 
troubles which have arisen between primitive peoples and Europeans might have easily 
been avoided by a better acquaintance on the part of the administrators with the customs 
and mode of thought of the aborigines. Of such troubles, to take but one instance, the 
Maori war i^ a case in point. At the present day, when the " Native Question " is 
assuming formidable proportions in many of our colonies, anthropology has a very 
important function to perform, and it may confidently be asserted that the only satis- 
factory solution of that question will be that furnished by the science in question. 

It is true that of late the Imperial importance of anthropology has obtained wider 
recognition ; the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, which furnish so many colonial 
administrators, give excellent facilities for the study of this science. There has, too, 
been a great increase in the publication of books by such administrators dealing 
with the people under their rule. But there is, as yet, little done by the home 
authorities to encourage the administrator to place his knowledge at the service of 
his successors, and still less to equip a new official with even the rudiments of 
anthropological training. 

Apart from the official, both trader and missionary can perform their tasks with 
far greater success if they possess some slight anthropological knowledge ; it is true 
that the knowledge is acquired by experience, but the acquisition of that experience 
is so often accompanied by serious initial mistakes, easily avoided by means of a 
slight preliminary study ; and these mistakes often involve a loss of confidence on 
the part of the native which it may take years to restore. The importance of beginning 
well with natives cannot be too often enforced. 

As the missionary and trader are usually the pioneers of colonisation, the question 
is in their case one of great importance, since the conduct of the first settlers usually 
determines the subsequent hostility or friendliness of the native towards the white man. 

Of the importance of anthropology at home one instance will suffice. The 
question of physical deterioration has attracted a good deal of attention of late, and 
has recently been discussed in Parliament. In the first place, the question as to 
whether the national physique has deteriorated can only be answered after the collection 
of statistics, and these statistics can only be collected under the supervision of skilled 
anthropologists. In the second, if this deterioration is proved to be a fact, the services 
of the anthropologist will be necessary in the search for a remedy. 

These few reflections are admittedly truisms, which are self-evident to all anthro- 
pologists ; their excuse lies in the fact that they have not yet obtained general 
recognition in England. It is necessary to try to spread the conviction that Anthropology 
is not merely an academic science, appealing to a few experts : it has a real practical 
application, and, moreover, an imperial function to perform, in the promotion of the 
well-being of the colonies, the furtherance of missionary endeavour, the increase of 
trade, and general advancement of civilisation. From these considerations, apart from 
the dissemination of an extremely interesting branch of study, the study of mankind, 
not only the anthropologist, but also the general public, should be gratified that 
His Majesty should have been pleased to augment the title of the society which in 
this country represents the Science of Anthropology. 

THE SECRETARY, Royal Anthropological Institute. 



Printed by Eybk AND Spottiswoode, His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, E.G. 



1907.] MAN. [No. 71. 

ORIGINAL ARTICLES. 
Egypt. With Plate H. Petrie. 

The Soul-House in Effyivt. By Professor W, M. Flinders Petrie^ TJ 
D.C.L., F.R.S. #1 

The existence of pottery models of houses for the soul has heen known from 
stray examples scattered in museums, but their date and use have been alike unknown. 
Last winter the British School of Archa3ology in Egypt, working at Rifeh, near Asyut, 
disclosed a long series of such models which have shown the gradually increasing 
complexity of the types of houses which were copied. The whole period of these 
soul-houses is probably of the X to XII Dynasties, about 3600 to 3300 B.C. The 
variety of form cannot be due to development of the dwelling during that time ; but 
all the forms of dwelling were used for different purposes simultaneously, and more 
complex forms were being copied in each generation for the soul-house. It is impossible 
in a plate here to give any adequate view of all the forms of the series, so only some 
of the more advanced are shown. A good type series of sixteen is issued in the 
Illustrated London News of July 13, and the annual volume of the School, Gizek and 
Rifeh^ contains photographs of 100 examples and a full statement of the subject. 

The development of this custom appears to have been in the following order : 
At first (from the prehistoric age to the V Dynasty) a mat was laid on the grave 
with a pan of food upon it. Then, afterwards, this offering was carved in stone (from 
the III Dynasty onward) as a table of offerings to give permanent satisfaction for 
the soul. The stone table was then copied as a pottery tray of offerings, by about the 
X Dynasty. To the tray was next added a shelter, copied from the Bedawy tent ; 
next a shelter on columns ; then a hut was put into this portico ; then chambers were 
copied ; wind openings or mulqafs were then added ; roof courts followed ; and then 
verandahs on the roof ; next we see complete two-storey houses ; and these lastly 
were furnished with pottery models of couch, chair, stool, fireplace, water jars, and 
the figure of a woman making bread. 

This class of models is not in series with the wooden models of servants, granaries, 
&c. Such were part of the servitor provision placed in the grave. These pottery 
houses were the provisions for the use of the soul itself placed upon the grave, to 
keep the soul satisfied, and prevent it wandering back to the village. The interest 
for psychology is in showing that the soul was conceived as ascending from the 
grave through the ground, and needing shelter while feeding on its everlasting 
provision ; that though it ascended through the earth, yet it needed a staircase to 
go up to the upper floor, and that the soul had a donkey for which a manger was 
required, as shown at the foot of the flying staircase in the photograph. More 
strictly we should say that these models illustrate the way in which the Egyptian 
copied and combined things which were logically quite incompatible. Given the 
premise that the soul had needs in future, like those at present, then the provision 
for present comfort was copied without further thought as to its compatibility. 

From another point of view these models show the varieties of the peasants' 
dwellings, some merely as shelters for the day in the fields, others such as were 
used for a month or two of the pasture season, and the more complete such as 
belonged to village or town life. The portico or verandah is the most essential part, 
and this agrees with the fact that it is universal in the house of the god — the temple, 
and in the eternal house — the tomb. Another constant feature is the tank in the 
courtyard, as in oriental houses at present, and as in the houses contemporary with 
these models at Kahun. At the top of Plate H is shown a piece of courtyard wall 
with the top of a doorway, crowned by serrations or piles of brick along the top. 
Similar finish to the walls may be seen in the tombs of the modern cemetery of the 
same place, shown in the next view. The photographs below show the house with 

[ 113 ] 



Nob. 71-72.] 



MAN, 



a907. 



Hying stAir aud the ilnnkeyV manger oiitsJiie, a bouse with a perfect portico, ami 
court ou the roof between the wind openings, and the moat complete honse^ of two 
EloHe^ with a conuh on the ground (the coolest place at night) and a. chair on the 
npper floor (the coolest place hv day), with a long staircase going up to the roof. 

Beside thi? subject many other interesting rettults were obtained. A tomb of the 
XII Dynasty contained thy (incut set of I'oftin:-. lioals, and statuettea that have i^ror 

heen brought to England. The 
pravea have yielded a pottery 
Hgitre of u camel of the Rames- 
^iile lime, showing that the ani- 
niiil was used tor burden in Upper 
Egypt in the New Kingdom. 
The built fish was often carvod 
in eikrneLan and worn as an amu' 
lei here in the XII Dynasty. 

Excavation was also maile 
a mile xontli of tlie pyramids of 
Giieh, discovering objects in 
tombs of the I, II, aud III 
Uvnaiiie" These show that a 
population and probably ivyul 
persons, I ved thei'e for many 
that a Bene- of graves can l>e 




The I 



centuries before the pyramids, 
dated l« the reign of King Zet of the 1 Dynasty by the seaiings (ouiid iti them ; 
aud on comparing the pottery, .ttone va»eM, aud flint kni\es of this site with tlie 
contemporary examples from the royal tomhs at Ahydos, it is seen that there is not 
a single generalioii of difference in stylo between Upper aud Lower Egypt. Fashion 
was completely iiuified in the country from north to south as early as the I Dynasty, 
and local dillerencea had been already merged together in the general culture. The 
mode of covering the I Dynasty graves has licen recovered by finding part of the 
stucco coating from over a tomli. It seems that a low bliwk of brickwork with a 
battlement top covered the tomb, aud ujwu ibat was a brick-arched top plastered over 
and painted with blue stripes on a white ground. This was practically of the same 
form as the building jdaced over tombs in the present Egyplian cemeteries. 

W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE. 



Australia : Prayer. Marett. 

Australia: Prayer. A Reply to "Man," 1907, 4>2. % n. B. Moretl, ^A 
M.A. It 

Mr. Lung bids mc write to Australia to ask Mrs. Langloh Parker (Mrs. Stow) 
whether she is capable of refraining from putting leading questions. What joy hia 
letters must aflbrd to his lady i^orrespoudetits I He then goes on to express Ida own 
conviction that she is incapable of consciously colouring what she is told. This a 
interesting, but beside (he point. Of conrse I was referring to the possibility of 
unrrmscioat colouring. This was deduoible from my statement that I did not question 
her bona Jidet. Conscious colouring would imply mala fides. 

Mr. Lang's defenue of the passage, " Daily set prayers seem to them a fooliahness 
" and an iuault, Ac," consists in maintaining that Mrs. Langloh Parker is attempting 
a speculative and inferential description in terms of her own ideas of what passes 
" at the hack of the black man's mind." Quite so. And my objection precisely ii 
thai at the back of her black feUow's mind there is a good deal of Mra, Langloh 
Parker's mind. And iliat precisely is what colouring means. 
[ 11* 1 



1907.] MAN. [Nob. 72-73. 

Some, indeed, might think that at the back of all there lurks a good deal of yet 
another mind. I should like to point out that it was not I who introduced the 
subject of Mrs. Langloh Parker having possibly borrowed from Manning without 
acknowledgment. It is her advocate who gratuitously lets out this particular cat 
from his brief-bag. Nay, that nothing may remain concealed, he further informs us 
that he has private grounds for knowing that Mrs. Langloh Parker was acquainted 
with Manning^s paper. " The highest criticism may suggest that our author borrowed 
^' her facts and questions from Mr. Manning ; that is not my belief,*^ says Mr. Lang. 
I have no means of anticipating the verdict of criticism. All I know is that, if the 
highest criticism available in our science decides to take one view, and Mr. Lang 
insists on taking another, it is likely to prove an unequal fight. 

My business, in the meantime, is not to explain the coincidences between these 
two accounts of Euahlayi-speakiug peoples encountered at very different times in very 
different localities. I concern myself solely with the question of the scientific value 
of Mrs. Langloh Parker's conception of Australian prayer as tested both otherwise and 
by a certain passage of hers which I quoted at length. Let me quote this again, and 
side by side with it let me set down the corresponding passage from Manning. In 
both alike I seem to perceive a tendency to colour. It will be remembered that Manning 
found God the Father, God the Sou, and God the Holy Ghost — or Moses, he is not 
sure which — at the back of his black fellow's mind. Mr. Lang characterises this 
speculative account of what passes in the subconsciousness of the savage theologian 
as " Mr. Manning's unlucky use of Athanasian terminology." All I complain of in 
Mrs. Langloh Parker is a like unfortunate terminological inexactitude that makes me 
wonder whether on a nice matter of psychology — ^for it is a very nice matter to 
distinguish prayer from spell — her witness is altogether to be trusted. 

I append the parallel passages : — 

J. Manning in Journal and Proceed- Mrs. K. Langloh Parker in The 

tags of the Royal Society of Neio South Euahlayi Tribe^ 1905, p. 79 : — 
Wales, 1882, Vol. XVI., p. 164 :— 

" The custom of daily prayer to God " Daily set prayers seem to them a 

is thought absurd ; it is supposed to be foolishness and an insult, rather than other* 
only resorted to by those who have sinned wise, to Byamee. He knows ; why weary 
and wish to escape punishment. As good him by repetition, disturbing the rest he 
men cannot have occasion for such supph- enjoys after his earth labours ? " 
cation, and as they say bad men cannot On p. 2 we read : — 

profit by it, it is altogether omitted. The " None of my native informants had 

use of prayer among whites is ridiculed on been at any time, to my knowledge, under 
this ground, that men pray to Boyma and the influence of missionaries." 
praise bim, and rise from their knees and 
curse and swear and commit rogutrries. 
Andy's [Manning got most of his informa- 
tion from Black Andy] curiosity had once 
or twice induced him to visit the Yass 
church recently . . ." R. R. MARETT. 



Africa, Soutli. Lugrg. 

Notes on some Puberty and other Oustoms of the Natives of TQ 
Natal and Zululand. By H, C. Lugg. IQ 

In giving a short account of the customs prevailing amongst the natives of Natnl 
and Zululand with regard to puberty, pregnancy, death, and burial, it has been found 
impossible to embrace every form of practice in vogue, as a slight difference in the 
manner in which they are observed exists in almost every tribe in the colony. 

C "6 ] 



No. 73.] MAN. DJB07. 

The endeavour has been, however, to inclade onlj the principal customs — those in 
existence about fortj years ago — and those which can be applied in a general sense to 
almost everj tribe. 

Puberty. — The attainment of the age of puberty by either sex is an event to 
which a great deal of importance is attached, and certain treatment, which etiquette 
requires, has to be undergone before the individual can be regarded as being in a fit 
state to be received into society. 

Immediately a youth reaches the age of virility, t.c, when genital discharges are 
experienced for the first time, he is required to rise early before the sun, take the cattle 
out to graze, and then bathe in some neighbouring stream. The practice of washing or 
bathing is a habit, by the bye, which is strictly observed whenever seminal or menstrual 
discharges are made. On the completion of his toilet the lK)y returns to the fields and 
remains in charge of the cattle in the company of his companions until noon, at which 
time the cattle are taken home and milked. He is not, however, allowed to take part in 
this duty or to eat any food of a milky nature, it being believed that by so doing he 
would be deprived of his " strength." A dry dish of Kafir corn, not maize, mixed 
with certain medicines is prepared and given him to eat in the cattle fold to " fortify 
and strengthen him." He is not allowed to enter any of the huts until after sunset, 
nor will he converse with women or remain in their company. He assumes a quiet 
demeanour and keeps to him.self. 

On the following day he has to submit to further treatment before he can enjoy 
his usual privileges. This consists in shaving the head and another " wash." In 
the latter case disinfecting or " strengthening " medicines are used. After this form 
of purification has been observed the ** young man " is free to follow his daily 
avocations. 

In the case of young women the usual river bath is taken and the news con- 
veyed to her mother, who in her turn informs the father. The girl then disappears 
and will not return home until about noon. A portion of the hut (her mother's) is 
partitioned off with a screen of blankets or mats, and here she will remain in seclusion 
for two or three mouths. During this period she adopts a shy, modest manner, 
covering her head with a cloth or blanket whenever it is necessary for her to leave 
the hut. At night a watch is kept over her by young girls from neighbouring kraals, 
who sleep with her. She is not allowed to eat any food containing milk or curds 
for the same reason as has been given in the case of the males. 

At the expiration of the two or three months, a beast or goat is slaughtered by the 
young woman's father or guardian, beer brewed, and an assembly of the people held. 
A dance by the young people is given, and the event publicly announced. After the 
company has dispersed, the hut, in which the girl has been kept in seclusion, is cleaned 
out and the floor smeare^l with a coating of cow-dung. 

In cases of exceptionally early development the event is kept a secret until such 
time as the girl is considered to have attained the age when the fact could, within the 
bounds of propriety and common decency, be given publicity. No difference in the 
necessary formalities observed, and heretofore described, is made. 

At the conclusion of the festive gathering the young woman is once more restored 
to freedom. 

The reasons given for the observance of these customs are most unsatisfactory. 
The common answer is, "These things were done by our forefathers, and they are 
T>erformed to show that the age of puberty has been reached." 

Burial. — Immediately after death (cases arising from the effects of lightning and 
war excepted), and before the limbs have had time to get stiff, the legs are doubled 
up until the knees are brought against the chin, the arms placed against the sides, 

[ 116 ] 




1907.] MAN. [No. 73. 

and the whole hody bound firmly round with the deceased's own blanket. The corpse 
is placed in a sitting position and tied to one of the supports of the hut, where it 
remains covered up and concealed from view, until the necessary preparations for 
burial hare been made. 

Should the deceased have been a chief or the head of a kraal or family, the grave 
is dug in front of his principal hut, close to the cattle-fold fence. All other members 
of the family are buried in the rear of their respective huts, i.e., those they occupy. 
The grave of a chief or man of position is marked out by his " chief son " or heir, 
who indicates where it is to be by turning the first sod. It measures about 3 or 4 feet 

deep by 5 feet long, and is dug by 

relations or friends. It is shaped 

as shown in the annexed diagram, 

but in some cases the hollow at the 

one end is dispensed with, and only 

the raised '* step " is made. No sacramental rites are performed over the ground prior 

to the grave being dug. 

As soon as the grave is ready, the corpse is carried bodily by three or four men 
and placed in it in a sitting position, in the hollow receptacle at the one end, with 
the face looking towards the deceased's hut, so that the ^^ spirit '' shall not desert it. 
In the case of a '^ ringed '' man the ring is removed with the hair and buried with him. 
In every case the head is shaved and the hair buried with the body. Mats, a few 
articles of clothing of no value, sticks, and body ornaments, are also included. Clothing 
that has not been used very much, and any other things of value, are taken and 
utilised by the deceased's relatives. The work of arranging the body in the grave is 
left to a relative, who, as a rule, receives some consideration for his trouble. A flat 
stone is placed on the deceased's head and another at his feet. The exposed side of 
the body is protected with a rough wall of stones, and the grave finally filled in with 
soil. A low circle of stones is then erected around it, and the whole covered over 
with thorn bushes to keep it from being disturbed. 

I should have stated that before interment the face is bathed with a wash prepared 
from the leaves of a smelling shrub {Lippia asperifolia). 

When chiefs and important men are being buried, the " chief son " takes his place 
at the head of the grave, where he stands armed with his father's weapons, an act 
which amounts to a public declaration of his lawful right to the succession. This 
is a very important point in cases of disputed inheritance. 

After the funeral is over the people retire and raise a " death wail," which is 
kept up intermittently for one or two days. Disinfecting medicines are then taken by 
all, followed by a wash at the nearest stream, after which heads are shaved. Then 
follow three important ceremonies, which are all more or less connected with the 
*' spirit " of the departed one : — 

(1.) On the day following the burial, all those engaged in the funeral undergo a 
thorough process of disinfection. Various barks are nibbled and sprinkled over the 
cattle and immediate precincts of the kraal. The floor of the hut in which death 
took place is smeared over with a coating of cow dung mixed with medicines ; a 
beast or goat is slaughtered, and beer brewed. 

The celebration of a feast is done with the object of ^^ washing the hands*' of 
those engaged in the funeral, and to ^^ wash " the dead man in a pleasant manner from 
their memory, and to remove any mental depression or ^* darkness " produced by death 
or such restrictions as are associated with native funerals. 

The process of mourning extends over a month, during which time a quiet 
demeanour is observed by everybody. No songs are sung or weddings attended, and 
young men and girls abstain from putting on finery. This would not, however, 

[ 117 ] 



No. 73.] MAN. [1907. 

prevent anyone from attending a local beer drink to " drown their sorrows in a 
flowing bowl." 

(2.) On tbe lapse of about a montb after the funeral, should the deceased have 
been a chief or man of position, a ceremony called the " Ihlambo " or " washing of 
spears " is held, it being believed that the weapons have become rusty from disuse. 
It consists of a mock hunt, at which all the men of the neighbourhood attend — in 
the case of chiefs, the whole tribe. At its conclusion all parties proceed to a stream 
and bathe with ^' strengthening medicines," after which all make their way back to the 
kraal, where a beast or goat is slaughtered and eaten, accompanied by the inseparable 
beer drinking. In many parts of the country this function is now accorded to almost 
every adult, male or female, but not to children. 

(3.) On the lapse of six or twelve months it is considered necessary to " Buyisa,'* 
or bring back, the dead mau^s spirit to his kraal. A pure white goat, and a beast^ 
when .such can be afforded, are slaughtered and the usual gathering held. Cleansing 
medicines in the form of emetics are taken, prayers offered to the departed one, and his 
^^ praises " sung. Dainty portions of the slaughtered animals are taken and hung up 
in the dead man^s hut as offerings to his and other spirits of the family who have 
gone before him. No meat is eaten until sufficient time for the spirits to partake has 
been given. The meat from the hut is then removed and shared with the rest. 

Great reverence is shown to these spirits. Any good luck, misfortune, sickness, 
or the like are, to a certain extent, attributed to them, and offerings in the manner 
described are often made to appease them. They are believed to assume the forms 
of snakes and lizards (harmless varieties only), and these are allowed in and about 
the kraal unmolested. In fact, their destruction is supposed to bring upon the offender 
endless trouble and, perhaps, a violent death. 

The following translation of a prayer to the spirits will give some idea of the 
veneration in which th^ are held : — 

" Oh, come, eat, ye spirits of our clan ; so shall life be greatly prolonged ; and 
let a man hold on, rise, and go far on the earth. 

" Eat ye spirits of our clan ; I ask for corn, and for increase, that I may multiply, 
and leave a son to succeed me, so my name shall never be forgotten. There is our 
cow, an offering for you." 

A great deal of superstitious fear is attached to a death by lightning, and the 
form of burial differs in many respects from what has just been described. The body 
is buried at a considerable distance from the kraal and near water, as its presence 
is believed to be an attraction to the elements. The grave is made near water as a 
precautionary measure against the occurrence of drought. The body is interred in the 
usual manner, but no death wail is raised after the funeral, nor are the ceremonies 
" Ihlambo " or '* Ukubuyisa " held. Death in such a case is regarded as an act of 
the " Great One," and any signs of regret or sorrow would be displeasing to Him 
and lead to further misfortune. Further, the spirit should not be "returned " or brought 
back, as its presence would have the same evil effects as the corpse would if buried 
in the kraal. 

Men killed in war are simply covered over with their shields and left. None of 
the above ceremonies are held in cases of this kind as any sign of " welcome " to .the 
departed might bring " spears " or more war to their homes. 

Women dying in pregnancy have their unborn children removed and buried 
beside them. The reason for this is that it is considered indecent for two persons 
to be buried together. 

Natives dying away from their homes are buried in the veldt, and under no 
circumstances whatsoever would they be interred in a kraal other than the one to 
which they belonged. 

[ 118 ] 



1907.] 



MAN. 



[Hm. 73-74. 



Pregnanct. — Of the practices followed uader thie head little cao be said. 

Women on becoming pregnant are treated by liceneed male or female doctors, 
commonly called herbalists. Medicines to safeguard children from evil influences are 
taken and continued for two or three mouths after birth. By that time the child 
is considered sufficiently Htrong to resist these influences. Women in confinement are 
assisted by experienced married women, and no males are allowed to appear on the 
scene on any account, not even the doctor. 

There are various remedies for the treatment of barren women, the most common 
being injections with enemas. H. C. LUGG. 



&^^v«J^5?|p 




Archaeology: France. Le^B. 

Not* on m. Dolman at Preslea, Franco. Bt/ A. L. Lewis. ^1 

The fine dolmen called "la Pierre Turqnaide" is situated in the forest of /T 
Carnelle, about three miles from the station of Presles, in the department of the 
Seine et Oise, 32 kilometres from Paris by the Northern Railway. 

It consists of a chamber 35 feet long, 6 feet high, 7^ feet wide at the oorlh- 
eastern end, and 8J feet wide at the south-western end, where there is a sort of 
entrance 2 feet wide and 3 high, 
formed by two small stones which 
supported a long one now partly 
fallen oS them, and opening into a 
continuation of the chamber resem- 
bling a porch, 9 to 9j feet wide 
and about 8 feet deep. The north- 
eastern end consists of one stone 
and each of the sides, including the 
jxirtico, of six or seven large stones, 
the spaces >>ettveen which were filled 
np with smaller ones. Three large 
slabs and six smaller ones form the 
roof, which is complete, although if 
■ he plan and view piiblisbed in the 
jVatfriaux pour fHittoire Primitive 
el Nalurelle de Vllomme in 1868 
are quite accurate, it must have 
suffered some slight damage since 
that date : an opening lias certainly been made on the south-eastern side, which is 
now the most convenient way into the chamber. The axis of the structure is between 
20 and 25 degrees south of west and north of east, and its total length is about 
45 feet. 

The late W, C. Borlase, tii his Dolmens of Ireland (p. 631), wrote of this 
monument as being "perhaps the most interesting of all the French dolmens," but 
that, I think, was principally because he thought it supported his view that many at 
least 'of the dolmens partook more of the nature of temples than of tombs. He gave 
(at pp. 627 and 639) the plan and view of it, which is here reproduced (Fig. 1), 
and which he copied from the Maleriaux pour VHistoire Primitive et Nalurelle de 
FHomme of 1868, where they appear in a notice of a paper by Alexander Hahn on 
the Monuments M^-galithtques des Environs de Luzarclies, Seine et Oise, which was 
printed in the Bulletin of the Socict4 Parisienne Archieologique et Htstorique for 
1867, 8o that this plan and sketch are at least forty years old. Borlase gives also 
a plan of a small Greek temple to show the similarity to that of the Pierre Turquaise ; 
but the Greek temple was surrounded by pillars, and no doubt had a suitable doorway, 
[ "9 ] 



TA PIERRE TURQUAI3E," 



No. 74.] 



MAN. 



[1907. 



wliiii'iiHx llii) I'icrni Tiin|iiiii«o ■ 
Itlid till' |ir«HOiit IiuIkIu nf til" 
«niul1 nruuniiilAtlori of «iirlli mi 
wm rniiHtniutMl, Imvti liocn ion 

lit nil II Nit) HI' ill)! llltl |lt)ll<illlu 



I. CHpJ'tOIK 



iilrtiiice may, ' 



ivuH liiiritHl ill a iiiiiimil, n( luitr<t 
I'litruiioo is only 3 foci. Ttierti 
I ilio oriKiiiiil ftuor, M) lUiit the < 
no what hi|{hor. 

» of this ilohneu il is worth iiotUig that tb« 
ii]it>iilii([« of iiioKHlilliio lombH are genenilly (ihniigh by iio means iiuifonnly) to the 
■niilh-cni't, whllu iho ontmiKio tn Ihia i)hi>nilivr is at the south-weHt not fur from the 
•DlliiiK ]iiihit uf ihv lldlaiiD or May-ilay sun. 

On tlio nihxv huiiil, it» Wmg htirieil ii) a mound »uggeets a sepulchral object, and 
III aivo in ntit jjrvnlnr than that of many lomh ehitmlwrs — those, fur inatunire. of 
Klriiria. I xoo no roaBun why il niay not ha\e lioeu a |iIaoe of sepulture and also n 
|il»c<i wht'rv riliM uf nomo kiiiO weru porfitrnieil. 

1 viHiMNl thv l*i«rrv Tiir<)iiaisv in ItHMi, and my »oii, who itL-compunied ine. look 
titii [ihiil4i|rrH|>h uf ihd iii-iOe of il, hore r»pmdu<-etl (Fig. S). Ii shows the originn] 
nnlrHiii^ in fnuit uui) lht> motlnrn lirviich in (hu wall on tho left. 

t^nowhiMv in this noiKl>Niurho«iil was another roiuain. called the Dolmen de 
JtMiriit whii'li i* not xpokm of iu thv notkt- of the |ui|wr ulr^atly mentioned, ainl 

fur which I had not time 
lo inqiiirv ; but there is a 
bt^DUlifut model of it iu the 
mu^e«nn at St. (temuun, ami 
il is m<^nliatKHl by Bortasc 
I, Dolmen* tft'Irrlaiid, p. tiS6>. 
who giv«» ■ copy of a view 
by MiwtiUct of a lar^r boled 
■iiuue forming > tliTi^Mi ip 
it. vai-b a.< exists in " KiM 
()m"s Ora**" iu the Isfcot 
Uao. at KodHMTlua, GIdb- 
<v?<cr«htre, maii al mImt 

llalkB oMMitMs two fine 
nwohirv «l«w in this diisbiiQt, 




l!iiil!^ atti ite Am* JL 



$4<rtvlWB ut Uitk acv iu ti 

f MmMW tVt l:S()tk bu tHMM of lb<M» ( 

<im lr'(i]p«gr«wr Jmits U f man JCnMaMaMfc. fokKaltmi Stij or MXt;^ ymm^ ««». 
L\h-tir^f*ia,f- vVU. \\. I9«««. pi. Itk) tfmk» oC tih* Jb««»wy «r a rjihii 

fttkt <•! fthtNia UWw >k.4lii 

t «4f araiitU nbjwK. TW ifelw^ tkniU »fp— c* m hM*« tam d 



1907.] MAN. [No. 76. 

REVIEWS. 
America, North. HlU-Tout. 

British North America : L The Far fVestj the Home of the Salish and IC 
Dene (Native Races of the British Empire Series), By C. Hill-Tout. London : f U 
Constable, 1907. Pp. xiv + 263. Thirty-three plates and one map. 23 x 14 cm. 
Price 6s. 

This volume is one of the series on The Native Races of the British Empire, 
edited by Northcote W. Thomas, M.A. 

The present work is a life-history of two native races, the Salish and Dene, who 
occupy a vast territory, which comprises " about one-half of the whole area of British 
*' North America," and stretching " practically from the shores of Hudson Bay to the 
*' Pacific Ocean." And now that the western part of British North America is 
becoming such an important corner of the Empire, many will probably desire to read 
of the manners and customs of its native inhabitants. To all who may, this work will 
certainly appeal ; but not alone to the general reader will it be of interest ; to the 
ethnologist it will be acceptable as a valuable contribution to the literature relating 
to the northern tribes of North America. 

In the opening chapter the author has given an interesting description of the 
country. The two mountain ranges — the Rockies and the Selkirks — extend in a 
general course from north to south ; eastward is the region of lakes and forests, while 
on the west is the Pacific with deep bays and innumerable islands along the coast. 
Environment has influenced the development of the tribes to a remarkable degree. 

On p. 32 is a list of the ten distinct stocks found in British North America, 
*' Of these the first four only dwell entirely within British territory." One of the 
four, the Beothuk, occupied the greater part of Newfoundland. We may add that 
certain archaeological specimens and ancient graves discovered along the coast of 
Maine are considered by some to have been of BiBOthuk origin, which, if true, evidently 
proves that during pre-colonial days the stock was more numerous than in later times. 

The subject of "Habitations" forms an interesting chapter. The communal 
long-houses of the sedentary Salish coast tribes have been described in detail, as well 
as the characteristic lodges and shelters found throughout the vast country of the 
Athapascans. Unfortunately there is no illustration of the underground, or, rather, 
semi-subterranean dwellings, although the better known skin lodge is shown in 
several plates. 

Included in the chapter on " Dress and Personal Adornment " is a good descrip- 
tion of the native blankets, which were (p. 64) "commonly made from a mixture of 
*' mountain-goat wool and dog-hair " to which the down of ducks was sometimes added 
(p. 65). " The actual weaving appears to have been the same among all the tribes, 
" both Salish and Dene." 

The author has compared the clothing of the different tribes and drawn attention 
to the restriction of various ornaments to certain localities. " Nose ornaments seem 
" to have been used among the Salish by the women only," while the labret was 
probably not used by the Salish although commonly found among the neighbouring 
tribes. On p. 70 is a note on the difference between the caps of the women and 
those worn by the men, but we are unable to find the plate to which the author 
refers. 

Tatuing was practised by both the Salish and Den6, but only to a limited degree, 
the figures for the most part being symbolic or totemic in character. 

The art of basket-making, which has reached such a degree of perfection among 
the two stocks, is treated in the sixth chapter. Five varieties of weaving found 
there are described and a number of examples are illustrated ; but drawings of details 
inserted in the text would have added to the value of the account. 

[ 121 ] 



Nos. 75-76.] MAN. [1907. 

No reference has been made in the work to a peculiaritv of some of the smaller 
Imskets of iho northern Athapascans^. In these a circular piece of tanned moose skin^ 
fn>m two to thn>e inches in diameter, serves as the centre of the bottom, around the 
cilffe of which the first coil is attached. Several examples are preserved in American 
collections. 

In an account of the wcajwns of the two nations we find a reference to the use 
•if irt>n and copper. ** The earliest source of these materials was probably the Russian 
** traders of north-eastern Asia and Alaska." Is it not prolmble, however, that the 
northern Dene triWs obtaineil copper from the vicinity of the Copper Mine River, 
even In^fort* the davs of the traders ? 

The succeoiling chapters are devoted to *' Social Organisation/' ** Religion," and 
" SiHMrtl Customs,*' and t'ontain much interesting information on the daily life and 
customs of the two stoi^'ks. 

The |)lat OS, as a whole, are gixxl : but a few illustrations in the text, as ha^ already 
lioen s^iid, would have addc^l groatlv to the value of the work. 

D. I. BUSHNELL, Jcx. 



Persia, Jackson. 

/Vrjfiii: I\tsi and PrrscHt. By A. V. Williams Jackson. New York : ^t^ 
The Macmillan Comjuiny, 1906. Pp. xxxi -f 471. 23 x 15 cm. Price 17*. t " 
There has Ihvu no lack in modern times of excellent works on Persia in English. 
It is sufKciont to mention the names of Lorxl Curaon, Professor Browne, and Major 
Molesworth Svkes, who have worthilv carried on the traditions of Hanwav, Rawlinson« 
aiul Kor Porter, To these names we must now add that of Pnofetssor Williams Jackson^ 
the well-known Iranian M*holar of Columbia University, who, perhaps* may fairly be 
calU\i the only sjnvialisi in early Iranian language aiul arvlweology who has re?onied 
his travels in Kn^lish since the davs of RawHuson. His narrative of his travels., 
altlK>ugh it diX^s not c^>ver the vast tield of Lord Cunon's encyclopaHlic work, nor 
rival the ohanu of IWwne's fascinating IVtir ti# I^rsia^ is well lokl and interesting. 
But the alteration of stiKlenis will Ih> spei*ially drawn to the chapters in which he 
deA«s with the UKvleni Zonvistrians of Persia and the ne>niains near the Lake of 
I'rjauiyah, llama^lin, Kenuanshalu and Shinu, wherv his s})eeial qualilicatiotts nmder 
his WKKk \erv vahiaKo. llis rt*puiation as an Avesian sohoUr pf\T>euned him a cordial 
rw\^pii\>:i fTVHu the Z^M^>a>triau iNMnmunity at Yexd, the most important ne-maining in 
Persia, and obtained! his a^lmi^sion to o^HvnK^nies which have never b^fon? been so 
a<v,3rateiv des^rib^M bv ivx^deutal s^^ln^iar^ even bv Prv»fes>or Bn>wne, who also 
eith\vt\l the :r-t:nwu\v of Yeid Uuel>c\^^ AnKMij: other :i-t<-TV^tiug pi>:cts be gives 
u>«:>tranoi'.s of Uje plar.ts r.ow ov^Ksiderv^ to be the A«tn>«Nt ^(<ua azn! §i«rtsmm» 
v^^jr^t.im' v>f the A>t>iau TW iatter is ix>w the tanvari>k, *ikL frvM» :ts appeaiance 
:ii shr iV.ustravlov. ;>. ,^T1 ^ wv^nki >*vm to Iv th*^ T^mntrir C*i9//mm, whk*a is prevalent 
TKrvvis:ixv,;t tin^ drv plateau) Ty\i:xKi of As:a* The hom-i*]arji :> srivec in the ilhi*» 
trail X. ov. i\ .^T, K'.t its S.^tar,>al r.acx' is ;>m iK^te«i ::^, liw text ;v ^^^ u In 
*inv*rar.ov :: T\>*fub\*s ar. KpiH\5ra, thr sjxvies with which IV^esjor Bbvwiw'* 
sr^LviTi-Hv. w^> :v:er.t:r:t.\:. Wt *rv, h^^w^xtr, ioj»i it :s a 2>vV^i:ia;a plar.t, Ii may be 
cs>5<\i that Ar.>KV\j: iht- KaAvh^-s^ wh<i>>*c e*r*ie>: rxvi^v* hvxsx was in the- n-ortia of the 
iT^fcT.ia:*; r'.ji3*»-.'., ih-T wvY\: l^'m is usoi for a :tjtnfcj>i:i«Ll v-iin-i, the ("wjtrwat rrfkjtm^ 
whi^ib has strvN-i: nuviicir,*! virv^ivctk-s^ aa:>d is :<':;t^oi i:. iht li>dus vall-ev lo mss^tsis 
v-xTTA;r r-iaciv"*! c^-.ticj< 

AT*<r.3>i>ir. TTjbT V >iTawr. a2^> to th< o^-ivr-lvNixvi.s o*f v^'::>.vcri> in vNHCseetaon witib 
r..T^lv "r.jkrrj^r^, iuT.s: it a:!"., v;.'i to th< fv:** *irwv,:r: »^^ :v.:,tral> iz: C Lister XXIV, 



1907.] MAN. [Nos. 76-77. 

unnoticed, especially the full account of the ash-mounds of Degala near Urumijah, 
which would evidently repay careful excavation. The ruined fort of Takbt-i- 
Sulaiman is identified (following Rawlinson) with the Shiz of the Arab geographers, 
but archaeologists generally will agree with Professor Jackson that Rawlinson^s 
identification of this place with Ecbatana cannot be accepted, the claims of Hamadan 
being superior. 

It is only necessary to draw attention to the most interesting chapters dealing 
with the great rock of Behistan, and to note that Professor Jackson is the first 
traveller since Sir H. Rawlinson who has climbed to the ledge by the side of the 
inscriptions. The result of his careful examination and of the photographs he has 
taken will be of the greatest value to scholars. Equally successful was his visit to 
the Sassanian sculptures at Tak-i-Bostan, and, if Pasargardae and Persepolis had not 
much that was new to oflTer, it was only because the ground had been so thoroughly 
examined before. In spite of this the whole of Professor Jackson^s account of these 
sites will repay careful perusal, and the photographic illustrations are excellent 
throughout. 

Professor Jackson^s list of Persian words in English (p. 30) probably is not intended 
to be complete, and cannot be accepted as altogether satisfactory. Awning^ for 
instance, from the old French auvent^ has no claim to be of Persian origin ; orange 
is ultimately traceable to the Sanskrit nagaranga^ the Persian being only one step 
on its road to Europe ; melon is from the Greek fAtiXoiriirtDyj " apple-gourd " ; turquoise 
simply means Turkish ; and the connection of hazard with the Persian hazar^ a 
thousand, has no evidence to support it. 

With regard also to Professor Jackson^s remark as to the absence of the Arabic 
element in FirdausFs Shah-nama (p. 29) it may be noted that Professor Browne's 
recent examination shows that from four to five per cent, of the words are Arabic 
{Lit, Hist, of Persia^ Vol. II., p. 146). And it hardly seems accurate to speak 
(p. 26) of " the Gneco-Bactrian Government of the Seleucidie," for the empire of the 
SeleucidaB centred in Syria, and the Bactrian kingdom originated in a revolt from 
their rule. 

The most eastern point reached by Professor Jackson was Yezd, and thence he 
retraced his steps westward to the Caspian. He promises a second volume, containing 
an account of his- journey to the Central Asian Khanates, with some account of Susa 
and Eastern Persia, a volume which will undoubtedly contain much valuable matter, 
and will be welcomed by all students of the East. M. LONGWORTH DAMES. 



Afirioa, Central. Werner. 

The Natives of British Central Africa {Native Races of the British IT 
Empire Series). By A. Wenier. London: Constable, 1907. Pp. xii + 303. II 
23 X 14 cm. Price 6*. 

Miss Werner's interesting book is rather difficult to place. The series to which 
it belongs is one intended for the general reader, but the general editor in the preface 
which he contributes to this volume expresses a definite hope that it may stir England 
up to organising such an imperial bureau of ethnology as may ^' enable English anthro- 
*^ pologists to hold up their heads before their more fortunate German and American 
" brethren." Therefore it would appear that the series is intended not merely for the 
general reader but also to some extent for specialists. Now it is notoriously difficult 
to satisfy these two classes of readers at the same time, and we are inclined to think 
with regard to the present volume that, while the general reader might desire rather 
more definite conclusions, the specialist will probably ask for more detailed and definite 
facts as a basis on which to build his own conclusions. The " general reader " — so far 

[ 123 ] 



ira77.] MAN. pM7. 



m5 we bare been able to experime&t oo corpora rilia — ri?e$ from 3Ii«5 Werner's book 
vith a Tenr iiTelj interest In tbe C^ntrml African, and fall of gratitude to tbe writer 
for ber most entertaining accoont. Imt we sa<pect tbat oo cro6»-exaaiinatioii be would 
find bimself less supplied ibac be supposed witb distinct opinkns on ««ieb qaestioos 
as catire religion and magie« trilol organisation and social relations. Tbe specialist, 
oo tbe otber baz>d. will not want tbese distioet opinions : be will know bow great is 
tbe diSeuItx of comisg to general conclosionsw bot be wilL we tiiink. wisb tbat it bad 
been cocLsisient witb tbe antbor*s aim u> give sbarper defiaition to tbe faets. Speco- 
laiion azki be>ztatiori aboo: cozjelasions is ine^ itable, and it is wise : l«t oncertaintx 
and iode^niteness al:oat facts is neitber. It is true, bowerer. tbat a prooeais of fusion 
amoc^ ihe«e native races bas alreadv begur.. and it is becoming alreadj uw late to get 
sharT'lv^enned pictures of tbe manners azKi cBstoms of ani- sinsie tribe. UitdoabcedlT 
great s«^rr:ce will r«e rentlered r»j a ^<»k like tbis, if it stir* np tbose wbo bare tbe 
chance !•> co-llect at ooce such de&cite aod detailed informat>xi as lies Hinder tbeir 
ba&d. We wjkz; Gilr'en White? in ocr oionirA. wbo will ol^serve aiid note follr and 
aceura:e> :- ibe snail circle which ihev bare naeais of knowing tbo?XKifblT, for it is 
ic snch srra'l cirries. car^fullj aixi sTrnpatbeti^faUr srsdied. tbat we mar hio^ to fiifed 
tbe kej* \o the widest prcyVIems of ethDol«>s7- 

Tbe pictures ir. Miss Werner's book are ei«-lirni and are verj well reprodaeed. 
Id ihe onlj map is entlrelv ins-3Bc:ent to make ibe chapter? oc ~G««TapiiT"" and 
oc ■" Tndi;:-ocs an-d H:s:«>rr " even nK>leratelT inte^lidSle, 

We veninre to snrpe>t that the general reader a: kast might expect, in an 
a«>.>^Ln* of the:;^ tribes as ibej are, some estimate of the e^ect work<^ npMi tbem 
br cvctaci wiih civilisaiM-. 

Miss Wem-er difccsse? the vexed questioci of the ocigin of tbe natire nel^fioii 
az»d c4 ihe word Mlon^n. or Mulcngu. which has r«6«n £e=!eraIiT adopted to translate 
- G-.o." 1 1 seesis iaiT*.-«ssiV]r to d-xibt tbat tbe earliest w.x^siip of these Basis pecif»ie? 
was ancestor w :oth:rv of a simikle 5<>rs : linle more, in fact, a: trst than tbe co&taBviBS 
to i«r TO a denarrei cnief ;he revert nee aad b«-cwx:r thai l*£-joc.fi>M to him wbeft alive. 
O^r :.wn tXTierien!^ of ibe Wa Nv»a^a scv>€ii:",v ontrsis this view, azhi it bat be 

^:•.lTe•i vxi: iha; 'ijt nassairr 1^:01 a clearlv reaaescrterec iiidivSdcial aacers«^ to a «»n 
of ":i.d:-T:n-e: c*>cii»>s-tc aT.<>£-st«>: splrl: wo-n^ Se b«r«ei *»th bv the cssiom <4 baading 
«L tirr "" :^\val " naz&e fTtci i:ene:^s>>n 10 gen-erati->n. az»i ai^o t-v the wel^kj^wn native 
ha'**': ::' nr^rarcinr li-e clan cc fjtn.::lv as tbe unit of iboiniitit ra:her than the sndividnaL 
JjnL''*i: iie^ ano an-xber Jnitr^e re":ir:is in his strad an«c w:in Lis iced«>es!?<or*s name. 
ai»i ;!• v:^'n :here is alw^r,^ * rt*f:!irni:k'S of the ooe as ibe ""cud J3a!*t~ and tbe 
«bfr a- iLe ""n-ew Jmnrtr," ii is onlie easv arrd rar-ral f c theswe i*«wi-c, wbo make 
ftr .e-s 'f :nr in«i.'>iial ihan we Enr^>i*eaas. ;o iret 'dick to a ?<>rt of a^«<4rac« J«mW« 
a;*i ":»r:. Zii :ha: ai>ln :o a 3i:-csr ireicral a"r*siract>>n whv-* is no* JsmV or Kabnji 
cr ^ iiL'.K^n^ :<zt v--i "lie irrea: an-cef^ior." Mnlunir-. 

If ss Wer:«rT sbr-w* i:^»i rc*sc. for arrv-einr w::h Bieek's eivnKfcJi^x of this wxv^ 
wn" -1 ^:.nn-£*Ms :: w;:"n ^be Znl- Unknhinknln. On the ochrr hazhL there ant 
oi :i;-- w:.ri Mlnnir- wlirn art* difBcnli to Srir.r in;o harn»nv wiih iij> thfiorv. 
exazLT.-T, a bf^iben naT>e La> sa>i, oc: hear'nr o-f a i>eii:t/»=r'5 lucrv'W efeape 
d«ain ': j tie fal. ^f a rri^ ; 2-: :«ehi;>i hlns on nis pa:n. ~ H> iXlniiri: was looking 



•i^ nlin." aui :l^•^ tx',.lana::>n iriven o«n tbe >»: ':v ihe ST*ftaker i.iTQse-2f was tkat 



A *. ta 



e^frv Tirr>:.n hai lis wn sTv^ial T^-:^r*rtnal Mhiair*:. whose i^tv ii was to "^jook after 
i.:tl ~ rvflrjfef:»vf7f /; az^i to r*-ari him fr.->ai Inrkinr misfi^rr^i?*- T:>e linje widcr^fOaed 
TAZLrt, "•C'niiia."* to wljr-n rc*"r!:^i»r^ is maie, :> sti.l beari fairlv c^^^r:mv>I.lv aancmf tlic 
Wi N^am* :*i Ea.>t Xvji?*, :.»t rer.'*rallv jis an f xciair*a:i*"%n *v woiDoer nos nnwx^ 
wTi Zi-Kr. A Tfc-w "" r»a:.xr on £r>t hoariif a i.h.'«>.>cTaT*t iaiicl or talk bis o^ 
;a'£-*ii^r wLl v*c-r I'keiv :-lar> Lis V.au>i to his n>x>n:L asi sav - 1 hixta 1 " 



1907.] MAN. [No. 77. 

Miss Werner gives a version of the well-known Zulu story of the chameleon 
with its tardy message of life for men. We have heard and gathered a good number 
of native stories in East Nyasa, and have not come across any form of this widely 
distributed legend ; but we have found a story which, perhaps, explains the creature'a 
Nyanja name, gwilampamhe^ " seize the lightning," and certainly accounts for its 
present slowness of motion. In our East Nyasa story the chameleon is represented as 
having originally had the power to travel with great rapidity, " as quick as lightning ' 
in fact, and on one of his rapid passages from one village to another at a considerable 
distance, he entered the village of his destination with such speed that before he 
perceived it he had stepped over the outstretched legs of his mother-in-law, a most 
serious offence, for which he was so heavily fined that ever since he has moved with 
the extraordinary slowness which is characteristic of him now, never lifting more than 
one foot at a time and carefully holding it in air while he deliberates where he shall 
plant it next. This story may be the " still recoverable tradition beliind the name,"^ 
which Miss Werner conjectures, and it is almost certainly one of the stories which are 
handed down in the initiation ceremonies, and which appear generally to be designed 
to explain to the candidates the natural world about them. 

There seem to be traces of some form of nature worship, and apparently quite 
unconnected with ancestor worship. Miss Werner gives a very good picture of a tree 
with offerings hanging about its trunk and placed about its base. This reminds us that 
in East Nyasa a tree named msolo appears to be commonly a place where offerings 
are made, even when the tree is in the midst of thick bush. 

Miss Werner's tree was hung with offerings for rain, and the tree would appear 
to have been selected because it had some association with a local spirit of the ancestor 
sort. At Kota Kota, in West Nyasa, this year the rains were very late, and despite 
the near neighbourhood of a mission, a European collector, and white traders, and 
despite, too, a prevalent and active Mohammedanism, the heathen elders had recourse, 
after years of neglect, to their old rain charms. The graves of their ancestral chiefs 
were rebuilt ; dances were held ; two sheep, one black and one white, were sacrificed ; 
and one sheep was covered up alive ; the wearing of white cloth was forbidden 
during the ceremonies, and after three weeks of effort rain came. Here we see 
ancestor worship, dances with incantations and ceremonies, gifts of appeasement, and 
mixed with it the careful attention to sympathetic magic shown by the wearing 
of cloth dark like the longed-for clouds, and the choice of one black sheep for the 
same reason. 

One fears that Miss Werner has been to native faults a little blind in her declaration 
of the rare occurrence of thefts. The East Nyasa natives may be very much worse 
than those of the Shire highlands ; it is certainly not at all rare to find among them 
people whom we may in charity call kleptomaniacs, and the experiences of U.M.C.A. 
missionaries is that while the native has quite a developed conscience about small 
thefts — thefts of firewood, food, &c. — he regards it with something far less than his 
horror of ujitiy the ghoulish witchcraft which is associated with a secret and detested 
cannibalism, and with which Miss Werner connects theft. 

There are many points in this book on which we should like to comment if space 
allowed, but we must be content to deal with only one more. Under the heading 
*' Tribal Organisation " we are told that the Yaos are subdivided among themselves into 
clans, with such distinctive names as Amwale, Asomba, Apu'i, &c., and we are given 
to understand that these names are the names of the ^' ma-kamu^'' the groups of people 
connected by relationship through the mother. This is contrasted with the system of 
agnatic relationship through the father, found in East Nyasa side by side with the 
maternal system. Now it is a curious fact, of which Miss Werner does not seem to be 
informed, that some at least of the chilawa (agnatic) names in East Nyasa are the same 

[ 126 ] 



No8. 77-78.] MAN. [1907. 

as the Yao clan names, such as Apu*i, Abanda, Asomba, Amwela. Is it quite certain 
that among the Yaos these names are not also agnatic ? 

Among the East Nyasa natives there is a kamu name, not belonging to the 
individual, but only to the head of the clan, and this is the name which is handed 
down from chief to chief. An individual native is of the same kamu as his mother, 
and he would say, e.g,^ " I belong to the kamu of Aminofu," where Aminofu is the 
transmitted official name of the head of the kamu. The same native is of the chilawa 
of his father, and the chilawa name is the one unalterable constant name, which, whether 
he uses it or not, is inalienably his from his birth to his death by virtue of his being the 
son of his father. It is this name which a slave very ofteu cannot tell you, because 
quite probably he does not know his father. The double set of relationships makes 
it possible to state the marriage laws very briefly. A man may not marry any woman 
who is of his kamu or of his chilawa. Thus the daughters of his mother's sisters are 
excluded because they are of the same kamu, and daughters of his father's brothers 
are excluded because they are of the same chilawa ; but the daughters of his mother's 
brothers or of his father's sisters are eligible, because they are neither of the same 
kamu nor of the same chilawa. 

The question of the precise geographical limits within which this chilawa relation- 
ship is recognised side by side with the kamu system of relationship through the 
mother — which is probably more primitive — is one which needs investigation. 

It is impossible to do more than mention the initiation ceremonies, but we must 
do so in order to point out how exceedingly little exact knowledge we yet have of 
them and of their significance. There is need of careful study here like that which 
Spencer and Gilleu have given to the Australian tribes, and it cannot possibly be done 
thoroughly by any missionary, and least of all by a woman. We hope Miss Werner's 
stimulating contribution will stir up her readers to fill up the gaps by patient 
investigation. H. B. B. 



Method. Strong and others. 

Lectures on the Method of Science. Edited by T. B. Strong, Dean of Christ ^11 
Church. Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1906. Pp. 249. 23 x 14 cm. Price Tn, 6rf. 10 

The lectures here printed form part of a course on Scientific Method delivered 
at the University Extension Meeting at Oxford in 1905. They are eight in all, with 
the following titles and authors : — '' On Scientific Method as a Mental Operation," by 
Prof. Case ; " Some Aspects of the Scientific Method," by Prof. Gotch ; " Physiology : 
" its Scope and Method," by Prof. Sherrington, of Liverpool University ; " Inheritance 
*' in Animals and Plants," by Prof. Weldon ; " Psycho-physical Method," by Mr. W. 
McDougall, Wilde Reader in Mental Philosophy ; " The Evolution of Double Stars," by 
Dr. A. H. Fison ; " The Evolution of Currency and Coinage," by Sir Richard Temple, 
Bart. ; " Archaeological Evidence," by Prof. Petrie ; and " Scientific Method as Applied 
*' to History," by Dr. Strong. 

It was well worth while to publish those lectures in a single book. All of them 
contain interesting matter, and some are models of lucid and concise exposition, 
making abstruse subjects, which seldom come within the purview of the average man, 
wear an easy and even an amiable aspect. W^here all is so good, it seems invidious 
to single out special essays for remark, but the lessons inculcated in the first two are 
80 urgently needed that it is well to draw particular attention to them. The haphazard 
procedure of the dilettante investigator is almost a crime against science, for it involves 
a waste not merely of his own time but that of all his readers. What Prof. Case has 
to say of deduction, induction, and the mixed method, which, by combining the two, 
attains more brilliant results than either alone, should be read by all who propose to 
write upon any matter of scientific interest without having enjoyed any training in 

[ 126 ] 



1907.] . MAN. [Nos. 7a-80. 

method. Very worthy of attentioD, too, are the remarks of Prof. Gotch on the use and 
abuse of the imagination in scientific research, for imagination is too often unleashed 
by the wrong kind of investigator, and cruelly chained up by those who might bring 
down great game by its aid. If the conditions under which it may safely be employed 
were more carefully considered, the world would be spared much solid dulness and 
many airy speculations. 

The other lectures all illustrate the application of method to particular branches 
of knowledge, but are written in such a way as to interest even those unfamiliar with 
the special subjects treated in each. We may notice Prof. Petrie's insistence on the 
importance of material history as opposed to that which is ^vritten ; archaeology scien- 
tifically pursued can reconstruct forgotten civilisations and prove tbe influence exerted 
upon each other by tribes and peoples which never had historians. If the greatest need 
of this country at the present time is a general appreciation of the value of method, 
this book is capable of rendering an important service, for it is within the means of 
all, while it is readable and comprehensible from beginning to end. O. M. D. 



Baloohistan : Ballad Poetry. Dames. 

Popular Poetry of the Baloches, By M. Longworth Dames. Published for IQ 
the Folklore Society and Royal Asiatic Society, by D. Nutt. London, 1907. '^ 
Pp. xxxix -f 224. 22 X 14 cm. 

Mr. Dames has followed up his monograph on the Baloch race {see Max, 1904, 75) 
with a collection of the ballads and popular poetry of this interesting and little-known 
people. These ballads were composed to be sung or recited by the Doms or hereditary 
tribal minstrels, and many of the war ballads seem to be the work of the actors in 
the incidents described. They are thus in some degree analogous to the lays out of 
which, as some believe, the Homeric epics were compiled, and they closely resemble 
the ballad cycle of the Cid and some of the Border ballads. In age they date from 
the sixteenth century to the present day, one of them recording an adventure of 
Sir R. Sandeman and Mr. Bruce. Mr. Dames divides them into six classes : — heroic 
ballads dealing with early wars and settlements of the Baloch ; more recent ballads 
describing modern raids and tribal events ; romantic ballads ; love songs and lyrics ; 
religious and didactic poems ; short poems, including luUabys and riddles in rhyme. 
The value of the collection lies in its local colour, reproducing the sandy, sun-parched 
wastes of Balochistan, and the romantic, chivalrous feelings of its chiefs, their innate 
treachery and savagery being, as a rule, judiciously veiled. The modern religious 
ballads are interesting as illustrating the animistic basis of the local Muhammadanism. 
Mr. Dames prints the ballads in romanised Balochi, and supplies a vigorous translation 
with useful introductions and notes. The book will interest lovers of ballad literature, 
and will be useful to students of the Balochi language. W. CROOKE. 



Africa : Soutli Central. Smitli. 

A Handbook of the Ua Language, By Edwin W. Smith (of the Baila- Qll 
Batonga Mission). London : Frowde, 1907. Pp. xii -|- 488. 19 x 13 cm. OU 
Price 155. 

This should prove a valuable addition to the library of text-books on the Bantu 
languages. In the first place Chila is the most widely understood language of North- 
western Rhodesia, and is therefore of great practical use to those whose work lies 
between the Zambesi and the upper waters of the Congo. To students who desire 
to compare one Bantu dialect with another it is of value, for it forms a connecting 
link between the better known Congo, Swahili, and Nyanja dialects of the north and 



Voe. 8a-8L] MAN. |1907. 

esa^U and the Sato. Cbwana« Zolu, and other dialects of Sooth Africa. As the Ba-Ila 
people have, moreover, come but little under alien influence their dialect is as pure 
probably as anv spoken in Africa, and is on that account worth the notice of students 
of Bantu languages. Mr. Smith has taken good advantage of bis opportunities and 
given us a grrammar in which the fundamental principles on which not onlv Chila but.^ 
in greater or lesser degree, all Bantu dialects are based are most carefully explained. 
For this reason, and l»ecause of the purity of the dialect, a student who wished to 
master one Bantu dialect as an introduction to others of the :<ame familv could not 
do better than start with the book under review. In addition to grammar and syntax 
the work includes English-Ila and Ila-£nglisb vocabularies, exercises, and Ila tales 
for reading and translation. The Englisb-Ila vocabulary contains some interesting 
ethnological notes. The Ila tales are of the kind popularised in Harris's Uncle 
Remus, which seem to be the remote source of many of ^Esop*s fables. It is a pity, 
however — since the work is intended, not for schoolboys, but for students — that the 
exercises set for translation are not furnished with a kev. If those set for translation 
into Chila afforded a key to those set for translation into English the work would be 
of additional value to students who must necessarily work to a great extent unaided. 

RALPH DURAND. 



ANNOUNCEMENT . 
Russia: Arcliseology. Marsden. 

Hvmt School of^ Archaeology And Archaeoffraphy at Moocoiir. M 

By V. E. Marsden. SI 

I have V»een requested by the founders of the new Institute of Arclueology and 
Archa^graphy at Moscow to assist them in bringing to the knowledge of the learned in 
England the exi«itence of this new enterprise for promoting the study of all branches 
of science l>earing direct Iv on ari'hseolosrv. 

Private enterprise has succeede<i in founding, with the sanction of the Ministry of 
Education confirme*! by the Czar, a new school of arclueology and archseography in 
Moscow. The -school ranks with a university, and is open to graduates only of Russian 
or foreign universities. Its aim is to prepare qualitied archaeologists and archaeographists* 
a term intended to apply to persons skilled in the preservation and interpretation of 
historical archives, libraries public and private, and the like valuable collections 
demau<ling spei*ial knowle»ige. 

The Mosc-ow Institute of Arclueology is the first institution in Russia founded on 
autonomous principles ; it has the right to elect its own professors and lectiu^rs and 
generally conduct its own internal affairs, subject only to the veto of the Minister of 
Elducation in certain circumstances. 

The course will l>e one of three years, the last year of which must be spent in 
practical work either in archa^logical researches among the monuments of antiquity, so 
little studied as yet, throughout Russia, expeditions abroad, or similar special work. 
The institute is empowered to give the degrees of Doctor of Archax)logy or Doctor of 
Archieography according to the branch of learning studied. 

Among names favourably known outside Russia connected with the new under- 
taking may l»e noted Dr. Uspensky, the Director of the Institute : Dr. Fleischer, who 
was associated with English and American archaeologists in recent excavations in 
Persia, and Professor Grot. The secretary is Privat-Docent Visotsky, to whom enquiries 
may be addressed. The institute is under the high patronage of many leading statesmen 
and the Metropolitan of Moscow. V. £. MARSDEN. 



Printed by Etrk and Spottiswoode, His Majesty's Printers, East Hazding Stzcet, K.C. 



1907.] 11A.N. [No. 82. 

ORIGINAL ARTICLES. 
Physical Anthropology: Scotland. Tocher: Beddoe. 

Observations on the Scottish Insane: 1. A Reply to Dr. Beddoe. AS 

By J. F. Tocher. OL 

In Max, 1907, 48, Dr. Beddoe notices the resnlts of obfiervations of mine on the 
physical characters of the Scottish insane, published in the First Henderson Trust 
Report. Dr. Beddoe is under the disadvantage of being evidently unaware that a 
complete account of the analysis of these observations has been published by me in 
Biometrika.* From the nature of his criticism, made, as it would appear, after a hasty 
perusal of a Report, I think it necessary to state the following facts : — 

(1) Red Hair, — The results of the pigmentation survey of school children Tover 
500,000 observed) show that excess of this class, for a large area, occurs in the 
North-east of Scotland, just the district in which excess among the inmates of 
asylums is found. Further, with small numbers, like the number at Elgin Asylum, 
I have frequently found even larger percentages than that found in this particular 
case. With large numbers, however, the proportion of red haip in the general 
population is about fi\Q per cent. Dr. Beddoe's criticism with regard to red hair is 
of a peculiar character. He cannot, I think, have noted what numbers were observed 
in each asylum. Elgin is not the region where the greatest excess of red hair for 
females has been found. Comparing the differences l>etween the proportion found in 
Elgin (eighty-nine observed) and that for the general population, with the standard 
deviation of sampling of the difference, I find the value 5*82; that is, using my own 
term, the relative local difference is 5 • 82. Now in Aberdeen, where 296 females were 
observed, the relative local difference is greater, namely 7 * 70. In Inverness, where 
250 females were observed, the relative local difference is 5' 18. Thus Aberdeen 
differs more widely than any other of the asylums. This agrees with the results of 
the pigmentation survey. Excesses in the proportion of red hair in Elgin and 
Inverness also agree with the results of the pigmentation survey. Finally, the fact 
that excesses are not found in any of the other asylums in Scotland is one in 
complete agreement with the results of the pigmentation survey. Briefly, the short 
asylum series is in marked agreement with the long Scottish children series. 

(2) The Colour Characters of the Insane, — I show in my memoir (above referred 
to) that the Scottish insane, with respect to colour characters, are not a fair random 
sample of the general population. This is shown from considerations quite apart from 
the actual observed figures for the Scottish insane. I first show, indeed, from the 
observed results, that they are not, and I then proceed to compare the distribution of 
hair and eye colours (as found from the pigmentation survey) with the actual 
distribution of the insane (as found in the Census Report). I prove that where 
there is an excess of light eyes there is an excess in the proportion of the insane 
in that locality and vice versa. Dr. Beddoe is clearly inaccurate when he says that 
" such preponderance is not sufficiently great to account for the peculiarities of these 
reports " and his error lies in making assumptions without a knowledge of the actual 
facts as to the observations and without analysing the data. 

(3) The Value of the Colour Observations. — The answer to Dr. Beddoe^s remarks 
al)out the quality and value of the observations on colour at the Scottish asylums 

is as follows : — As a matter of fact, I made no colour observations personally I 

made no observations on the hair colour and eye colour of the inmates, these being 
solely conducted by my two trained assistants. They used as a basis, (1) their former 
experience ; (2) my analytical table ; and (3) samples of hair. These assistants 
received a definite training and had previously observed the colour characters of 



• Biometrika, Vol. V., pp. 298-350. 
[ 129 ] 



Vo. 82.] MAN. [1907. 

several thouHaiidfl of children under my direct supervision. These same children were 
independently observed hy the teachers and tlie results compared with those made by 
ourselves. It was found there was excellent agreement in the results. 

(4) I quite agree with Dr. Beddoe that '^ observations such as these on colour 
^^ are valueless for scientific purposes unless conducted with great accuracy and some 
" technical knowledge." In case he may be under any misapprehension as to these 
observations on the insane in Scotland, I wish to say that they were conducted by 
experienced persons with great care and accuracy and with a technical knowledge of 
the sul)ject with which they were dealing. Further, with respect to myself, besides 
receiving a university training in subjects cognate and not cognate to the matter on 
hand, I have been continuously engaged in anthropometric and allied work for the past 
twelve years, in the course of which I have personally measured thousands of persons, 
and personally observed the colour characters of tens of thousands of children. 

(5) Classification. — 1 agree with Dr. Beddoe in considering the separate clas- 
sification of dark hair and jet black hair the better plan to that which consists in 
making one class for dark and jet black hair. The separate classification of dark 
hair and jet black hair was actually adopted by me when I devised the table for the 
pigmentation survey of school children and was used in the survey. When the results 
of this survey are published. Dr. Beddoe will be able to see how far his results on 
small numbers compare with the general survey for Scotland. Dr. Beddoe^s classifica- 
tion of blue eyes and light eyes together is a similar example of grouping two closely 
related classes as one class. Remarks about classification are, however, of a different 
order from those assorting faulty observations. 

(6) Dr. Beddoe will agree that science aims at an accurate description of facts 
and when it appears or is suspected that the facts are not accurately or correctly 
described, this should be shown by those who suspect and say the observations are 
inaccurate, faulty, or unreliable. J. F. TOCHER. 

2. Further Remarks. Bi/ Dr, Beddoe. 

Mr. Tocher has very courteously submitted to me his comments on my review 
in Man of his recent investigation of the physical characters of Scottish lunatics, 
with the request that I should reply to them through the same channel, with which 
I willingly comply. 

He seems to think that 1 (unintentionally of course) have thrown some sort of 
slur on his qualifications for the important and useful kind of investigations he has 
undertaken. 1 caimot see that I have. One mistake I did make. Mr. Tocher speaks 
in his preface to the Henderson Report of having made measurements on some of 
the inmates of eight asylums. I, naturally as I think, concluded that some of the 
observations on colour in those asylums were made by him, which he informs me was 
not the case. I founded thereupon the conjecture that Mr. Tocher's own personal 
equation leaned to the dark side, which conjecture, it seems, was baseless. 

1 have nothing to say against Mr. Tocher's training or qualifications for this 
investigation — quite the reverse. In my day we had no such advantages as he has 
had and utilised. His mathematical knowledge is a great advantage here ; though 
some of Professor Poiu-son's school seem to me to ride such acquirement to death 
when thoy use it for the purpose of discovering mares' nests, and working out 
correlations in figures, where none exist in the nature of things. 

1 can assure Mr. Tocher (if my praise i« of any value) that I have nothing but 
praise and gratitude for his anthropometry ; and we agree on a number of details. 
My asylum reports, like his, give the palm for stature to Argyle and the Border. 
We both, too, measure fn>m the centre rather than the upper border of the earhole, 
a small practical point of considerable importance ; and with regard to colour, both 
prefer to septvrate jet black from dark bnnvn. 

[ 130 ] 



1907.] 



MAN. 



[No. 83. 



But to come to the point involved in the innuendo which Mr. Tocher dislikes — I 
wish J had put it in a milder form, but I cannot truthfully withdraw it. Everybody 
has a right to his personal equation in matters of colour, and it is rare to find two 
people exactly in agreement about them ; but it is desirable in such a case as this to 
get as near to the average opinion or nomenclature as may be, in order fairly to 
compare results with those of other observers ; and I cannot honestly say, because I 
do not think, that this has always been achieved in these statistics. 

I am going to make a comparison between some of them and those I got about 
forty years ago from Dr. Thomas Aitken, a skilled and zealous anthropologist, then 
head of the luverness Asylum ;* also with the military statistics printed in my Races 
of Britain, Those latter include the colour characters of 1,733 Scottish-born deserters 
from the army (of full age, 23 or more), abstracted from the Hue^and-Cry for a number 
of years, covering, the official periods of several medical examiners in each district, so 
as to neutralise the personal equations which were occasionally apparent. Men with 
Irish names were excluded. Of course, soldiers, and still more, perhaps, deserters, are 
not exactly a fair sample of the population any more than lunatics are so ; but they 
are probably not a very bad one. Being young men they should lean to the fair side 
in hair colour. 

My lunatic material was restricted to the men of from 23 to 50 years of age and 
in fair bodily health. 

Male Lunatics is Inverness Asylum — Percentages. 



No. 








Haib. 




Eyes. 


Red. 


Fair. 


Brown. 


Dark. 


Black. 


Light. 


Medium. 


Dark. 




Tocher 
Aitken 


1-87 
2-3 


3-74 
22- 1 


27 10 
22- 1 


i ' 


11-21 
63-5 


72-43 
t23-2 




214 


67-29 


16*36 


86 


29- 


10-4 


123-2 



t Dark Grey. 



I Brown. 



Note the prodigious difference between Tocher and Aitken in the proportions of 
light hair and light eyes, and in both reports the small proportion of red hair. 

Military Statistics. 





No. 


Haib. 


Eyes. 




Red. 


Fair. 


Brown. 


Dark. 


Black. 


Light. 


Dark. 


All Scotland 


1,733 


4-67 


26-2 


36-8 


28-35 


4-9 


72-2 


27-8 


North-east Lowlands 


200 


4-5 


^7-5 


37-5 


27- 


4- 


73- 


27- 


Invernefiis Ross, Hebrides, Ac. 


209 


3-8 


33-9 


25- 


31-6 


6-7 76-4 


23-6 



Here the north-east Lowlands include Angus, the Mearns, Aberdeenshire, Banff- 
shire, Moray, Nairnshire, and (by a mistake which I cannot now rectify) Stirlingshire. 
The colours differ little from those for Scotland in general. But in the Inverness 
district, which corresponds very nearly with the feeding ground of the asylum, fair 
hair and light eyes, and dark and black hair, all increase notably. 

In the final report of the Anthropometric Committee (1883) Scotland is credited 
with 75*2 per cent, of light eyes and 24 of dark eyes, Inverness, Ross, Sutherland, 

* Beddoe, Stature and Bulk, p. 113, Anthrop. Memoirs, Vol. III. 

[ 131 3 



No. 82.] 



MAN. 



[1907. 



and Skye with 74 and 26, and Aberdeen, Banff, Moray, and Nairn with 66*2 
and 32-4. . 

The percentages of red, light, and dark hair are as follows ; unfortunately there is 
no regular medium category, either in this or in the preceding report : — 



No. 



Re«i. 



Light. 



Dark. 



Scotland - - . 


1,369 


6-3 


47- 


47- 


Inyernefls, &c. 


151 


3-5 


46* 


50- 


Aberdeen, &c. 


109 


3-5 


42- 


53- 



Here we have, indeed, a moderate increase of dark hair and eyes north of the 
Grampians ; but red hair falls off a little. The numbers dealt with are small. 

Finally, I may cite my own published observations, which included both sexes : — 





No. 






Hair. 






















Red. 


Fair. 


Brown. 


Dark. 


Black. 


Inverness — Asylum Province 


1,830 


615 


15-41 


36-94 


34-01 


7-59 


Aberdeen, Moray, Banff - 


1,655 


7-67 


15-89 


44-41 


27-43 


4-47 



The proportions of the eye colours or eye shades are nearly the same in the two 
provinces, being roughly about 69, 11, 19, and 70, 12, 18, whereas Mr. Tocher's figures 
for the eyes and hair are, in males : — 





Eyes. 


Hair. 




No. 


Light. 


Medium. 


Dark. 


No. 


Red. 


Fair. 


Medium. Dark and Black. 

1 


Moray and Banff 
Aberdeen 


155 
312 


2-58 
27-35 


84 - 5 
51-28 


12-9 
21-37 


134 
272 


2-24 
3-42 


•74 

6-84 


32-34 
33-83 


64 17 
56-41 



Of course, as has been already said, and as Mr. Tocher has given an additional 
proof, insane persons are not an average sample of the community. They consist of 
victims of several diiferent mental diseases, some at least of which have specially 
correlated physical character : thus maniacs are often fair, melancholiacs dark, epileptics 
either very highly or very slightly pigmented. The Anthropometric Committee found 
among the insane some deficiency of red hair and some excess of dark hair with light 
eyes. In the latter point Mr. Tocher agrees. 

But these differences cannot account for the enormous discrepancies found here, 
especially as to the frequency of light eyes and light hair in comparison with the 
figures of all the several observers whom I have cited, and who, on the other hand^ 
exhibit a fair degree of agreement among themselves. 

I will simply make one or two suggestions. 

Hair and eye colours are accidental rather than intrinsic. The same hair is often 
a full shade darker when viewed indoors than out of doors. My friend Topinard and 
I bring out different results, though we are otherwise in perfect agreement, because 
he prefers to work en pleitie lumi^re^ and I in the shade on a sunny day. 

Eyes should be regarded in face^ and not too closely. Berti lion's method of 
approaching within 13 or 14 inches, and noting even the least streak of pigment, is 
good for criminal detection but not for anthropological purposes. J. BEDDOE. 

[ 132 ] 



1907.] 



MAN. 



pf06.83-aC 



By J. F. Tocker. 

MigrmtioQ is also aq importmnt factor which would have to be taken into con- 
sideration when two populations mol belomgimg to ike samte period are compared. It 
is undoubted that migration has been going on during the forty vears interval. Migra- 
tion and the fact that the sane and insane populations differ in colour distribution 
preclude* I think, direct comparison between the two sets of data. That is« of course, 
granted that both are otherwise comparable.* J. F. TOCHER. 



Archseology : Pygmy Fllnte. Kendall. 

Pyirmy Flitite. By the Ber. H. G. O. KendM^ M,A. BQ 

Is it not likelv that neolithic pvgmv flints were used as barbs to harpoons. wU 
possiblv sometimes^ also, as fish hooks ? In the former case thej would be inserted 
in the head of the harpoon or spear in the manner indicated in the accompanying 
drawings. They might be on both sides of the head or on one. and. in the former 

case, also, opposite or alternate. The minutely trimmed 
edge, being purposely blunted, would prevent the 
weapon from being easily dragged out of the body 
of the prey, whether fish or beast. The untrimmed 
edge would, on the other hand, readily cut its way 
through the flesh after the manner of the edges of 
an arrowhead. 

Probably pygmies would not be confined to this 
use. But many, such as the larger one in the illus- 
trations, seem to be singularly adapted to it. I 
have found them on the coast in north Cornwall, 
and by Dozmare Pool on the Cornish moors. Both 
are places where fish would be caught. On the 
downs in Wiltshire, ou the contrary, where the nearest 
river is perhaps two miles ofl*, I have found so far 
but one specimen. Possibly, therefore, they were more 
especially used as barbs to harpoons for catchiug fish. H. G. O. KENDALL. 





Warfkre. 



REVIEWS. 



With Plate 



Payne-Qallwey. 



ProjectiU'throwing Eptghtes of the Ancien/s^ with a Treatise on the Turkish ttl 
and other Oriental Bows. By Sir Ralph Payiie-Gallwey, Bart. London : B^ 
Longmans, 1907. Pp. 44 + 26. 32 x 24 em. Price 5*. 

Sir Ralph Payne-Gallwey has followed up his important volume upon ** The 
Crossbow ^' with a smaller work, no less interesting, containing more detailed accounts 
of two distinct classes of projectile-throwing appliances which were briefly discussed 
in the earlier volume. The first portion of the present work deals with the machines 
used in ancient times for casting heavy projectiles, chiefly into or from beleaguered 
fortresses. These engines were the catapult^ the baiista^ and the trebnchet. The 
general form of these is well known, but in matters of detail the accounts are 
meagre, and difficulties arise in attempting to make working models of them. Still, 

* With this I cordially agree. Migration has taken place more or less extensively from Ireland and 
to England, from highlands to lowlamls, from the country to the towns, from the north and north-west 
to the east and south, from the south to Korthumbria. I should not be surprised if I found an increase 
of pigmentation in the Scottish Borders, for example. — J. B. 

r 133 ] 



No. 84.] MAN. [1907. 

Sir R. Payne-Gallwey has succeeded in making excellent models of considerable power, 
with which he has experimented successfully, though in strength and range they are 
necessarily inferior to the larger ancient forms which they represent. These experi- 
mental models are of great interest, since from them the value of certain essentials 
of structure, not clearly indicated in the old records, is rendered apparent, and the 
relative value of the different types of engines may be studied practically by ascer- 
taining the weight of projectile which can be used and the extreme range to which 
it can be hurled, and also the rate at which the weapon can be discharged. It is 
interesting, for example, to find that a model of the ancient catapult, which, when 
fitted with a spoon-shaped receiver, throws an 8 lb. stone about 350 yards, will 
hurl the same stone about 450 yards when fitted with a sling in which the missile 
is held. It may, however, be an exaggeration to say that " when the arm [of the 
" catapult'] is fitted with a sling, it is practically lengthened by as much as the length 
" of the sling attached to it." Were this the case, the stone, while being hurled, 
would describe an arc with a radius increased by that amount, and this does not 
appear to be the case. In both catapult and balista the power was supplied by the 
torsion of powerful sinew cords, in the later-invented trebuchet the gravitation of an 
enormously heavy counterpoise was substituted. The latter was a very powerful 
though sluggish engine which would cast weights of 10 to 12 cwt. (including such 
objects as dead horses) into besieged towns. 

An interesting historical account is given and a valuable list of authorities is 
appended. The illustrations are good and clear, though one wishes that more of the 
early representations had been reproduced. 

The second part of this volume is devoted to a detailed account of the Turkish 
archer's bow, with remarks on other allied Oriental types of bows. The author writes 
with the authority of one who is himself an expert archer, and who has, moreover, 
achieved signal success with the Turkish bow itself, as his record of ranges testifies. 
He holds a public record of 367 yards with this weapon. The description given of 
the structure of th,e Turkish bow is detailed and of much interest, giving evidence 
of the great care which was expended in building up what was probably the most 
perfect and efficient of all the composite bows of the East. The structure is illustrated 
with both sections and dissections, and attention is paid to the structural details of 
the l)ow-string and the arrow. An interesting point dwelt upon in Part V is the 
use of the " horn groove," which was worn upon the left thumb in flight shooting. 
By means of this contrivance the archer could draw the arrow some two or three 
inches further back than could be done without this assistance ; the arrow point, 
lying in the groove, could, in fact, be drawn back some distance within the inner 
surface of the bow, with a considerable gain in range. This appliance has received 
but little recognition hitherto and detailed illustrations of its structure and varieties 
would have been an interesting addition to the chapter. 

Part VI is given up to the consideration of the " thumb-ring " with which the 
Turkish archers drew the bow-string, in accordance with the prevailing "Oriental 
release." The author describes how in his opinion the ring was used, and here it is 
difficult to feel in agreement with him. It is true that he has arrived at his con- 
clusions by practical tests and that he finds his method of wearing the ring the more 
effective one. There is, however, a mass of evidence leading one to doubt whether 
his method was that adopted by the Turkish archers themselves, and this, after all, 
is the im]>ortant point to determine. 

The Turkish thum!)-riiig is not cylindrical like the Manchu variety, but is 
a.symmetrical and furnished with a definite pointed "lip" {see Fig. 1), like those of 
Persia, India, and Corea. According to Sir R. Payne-Gallwey, the ring should be 
worn upon the thumb with the " lip " directed towards the base of the thumb, the 

[ 134 ] 




1907.] MAN. [No. 84. 

" lip " thus forming a kind of hook with which the bow-string can be drawn. Now, 
there are several good reasons for believing that this was not the waj in which it 
was worn by Turkish bowmen. In the first place, the shape of the ring with the 
hollowing out under the lip does not appear to be a practical one for drawing the 
bow-string in the above manner. The hollowing out seems actually disadvantageous 
since the string would be drawn by the edges of the lip and not by a siurface, the 
wear and tear being much increased. On the other hand, this form of hollowed 
" lip " is admirably adapted for covering the ball of the thumb when it is pointed 

towards the thumb-tip, i.e., reversed from the position adopted 
. . by Sir R. Payne-Gallwey. Then, in The Anecdotes of Turkish 

Archery^ translated for Sir R. Ainslie in 1797, it is expressly 
"*'** stated that the thumb-ring " covered the ball of the thumb," which 

implies that the " lip " was directed towards the tip of the thumb. 

In this position the leather lining, which was usual in these rings, 

formed a pad for the ball of the thumb, while it would be useless 

if the ring were worn in the inverted position. A continuation 
pTg. 1. ^^ *^^® leather lining, which laps over the outside of the ring on 

the opposite edge to the lip, is stated by one early describer 
to have been used in drawing the bow string. This could not have been so if the 
" lip " were pointing towards the base of the thumb. When archers' thumb-rings 
show signs of much use, the wear is evident upon the outer surface of the " lip," and 
has doubtless been caused by the friction of the bow-string upon this surface. In 
Sir R. Payne-Gallwey's method the bow-string does not rub at all upon this portion 
of the ring, and there can be no wear of this kind. 

Again, the old illuminated manuscripts and native drawings of Persian archers, 
who used a ring identical with the Turkish one, are quite clear in indicating the ring 
worn with the "lip" pointing towards the tip of the thumb, as shown in Fig. 1. 
Two examples from old Persian manuscripts are shown in Figs. 2 and 3. This is 
distinctly shown in the interesting late sixteenth- or early seventeenth-century Persian 
manuscript in the possession of Mr. C. H. Read, who has kindly allowed a repro- 
duction to appear as the plate for this number of Man (PI. I.-J.). . In this we see a 
portrait of Timur (Tamerlane), the famous founder of the Moghul Empire in India. 
In this picture, as also in a Tartar drawing of Timur in the Bodleian Library (MSS. 
Ouseley, Adds. 173), he is represented wearing what looks like a clumsy, improvised 
kind of prisoner's yoke, to which the left wrist is confined. I do not find any reference 
to Timur's having been a prisoner, and it is suggested that this yoke was worn as a 
support for the left arm, which was deformed or maimed. If this be so, one must 
assume that the ambulance appliances and methods of the day were of the crudest, 
and singularly out of keeping with the elaborate costume and accoutrements of this 
great potentate. It is said that the name Tamerlane 
is a corruption of Demir (pronounced Temir)^ the 
^^ iron lord," and lenff^ lame, and that the lameness 
was in one arm. This, if true, would justify the 
yoke being regarded as a surgical support and not 

as a prisoner's yoke. Be this as it may, the yiQ 2 "^ Fig 3 

interest of this portrait for the present purpose lies 

in the position in which the thumb-ring is represented as worn. It is shown 
upon the thumb with the pointed " lip " directed towards the thumb-nail. The 
ring has been rotated upon the thumb so that the broader surface is turned outwards. 
This was apparently usually done when the ring was not in actual use, it being 
purely a matter of convenience, as less likely to hamper the bending of the thumb- 
joint. I have examined some dozen or more paintings and drawings by native artists 

I 135 1 





a T. 



No. 84.] MAN. [1907. 

amongst the Persian manuscripts in the Bodleian Library (MSS. Ouseley, Adds. 167, 
fol. 16, 19, and 27, and MSS. Onseley, Adds. 173, fol. 4, 6, 13, 17, 20, 22, 26, 28, 
&c.), in all of which the ring is represented, and in every instance the " lip " is 
pointing towards the thumb-tip, Fij^s. 2 and 3 show two examples from these manu- 
scripts : in one case the ring is rotated outwards as in the portrait of Tamerlane ; in 
the other it is turned inwards into the position for use. I have found no drawing 
by a native artist in which the ring is indicated as worn in the manner suggested by 
Sir R. Payne-Gallwey. It may fairly be assumed that the artists represented the 
ring correctly, and their unanimity is very convinchig. 

Sir Ralph states, on p. 15, that "the archers of other Oriental nations besides the 
Turks employed thum]»-rings of various shapes and dimensions to suit the construc- 
tion of their bows, bow-strings, and arrows. All thumb-rings were, however, more 
or less similar, and were all used in the manner I have described." Now, the 
Manchu archers used the thumb-ring, but this, being a plain cylindrical form of equal 
width throughout, could not possibly have been used in the manner described by him, 
whereas it would form an excellent substitute for the Turkish ring, when the latter 
was worn in what I believe to be the correct manner, and it would not have to be 
regarded as a distinctly aberrant form. Professor E. S. Morse, in his Ancient and 
Modern Methods of Arrow-release^ shows the use of the Corean thumb-ring, which 
resembles the Turkish and Persian forms, and his figure corresponds with the repre- 
sentations by native Persian artists. The form, too, of the Japanese archer's glove 
with the thumb tulapted for drawing the bow-string, is readily comprehensible when 
regarded as a specialised variant upon the thumb-ring used with the " lip " directed 
away from the bow-string, whereas there is no suggestion in it of a hook-like 
catch which would probably arise from a modification of Sir R. Payne-Gall wey's 
method. 

It is interesting to know that a modern skilled English archer finds great efficiency 
in a method differing from that adopted by the older native bowmen ; but, at the best, 
we can only infer that the Turkish archers might possibly have learnt a useful 
wrinkle from Sir R. Payne-Gallwey, in the inversion of the method to which they had 
been brought up. At the same time we should bear in mind, in admitting this 
possibility, that they achieved ranges of upwards of 600 yards, and, according to some 
accounts, far greater distances were accomplished. The distance shot by Mahmoud 
Effendi in 1795, in the presence of a number of members of the Toxophilite Society, 
and carefully measured by them, was 482 yards, outdistancing by 115 yards Su* Payne- 
Gallwey's great public record of 367 yards ; and the ambassador was very dissatisfied 
with even this performance. 

I have dwelt at some length upon this point, as Sir R. Payne-Gallwey is some- 
what positive in his statement, which does not seem to be borne out by comparative 
study. He goes so far as to say (p. 15), '* It is, indeed, impossible to shoot an arrow 
" by means of a thumb-ring except as I have shown, and as a very short practical 
" trial will prove." Such a statement should, if it is to carry real weight, be sup- 
ported by stronger evidence than is afforded by a mere record of individual convenience, 
as discovered by experiment. 

The book, none the less, is a useful and interesting accession to the literature 
of the subject, and has been issued in an attractive style. One wishes that there 
were more of it and that the subjects had been more fully dealt with. The second 
j)art would have gained materially by the addition of ((notations in full from the early 
writers upon the Turkish bow, together with illustrations by native artists. The 
l)ook, being already a valua]>le contribution, is worthy of such improvement. 

HENRY BALFOUR. 

[ 136 ] 



1907.] MAN. [No. 86. 

Polynesia. Brown. 

Maori and Polynesian, By J. Macraillan Brown. London : Hutchinson, BC 
1907. Pp. xxxi + 300. 20 x 12 cm. Price 6*. Qw 

Mr. Brown's attempt to prove an Aryan ancestry for the Polynesians is ingenious 
if it is not altogether new. He asks us to accept a route marked at intervals by 
megalithic monuments as the road travelled by Neolithic man from Central Asia into 
Korea, and thence, by way of Micronesia, into the islands of Polynesia and into 
North America. After long ages of settlement, during which civilisation was stationary, 
there came irruptions of a more advanced race with negroid elements, who brought 
no women, and so were unable to teach the conquered aborigines the feminine arts 
of weaving and pottery, and could only introduce improvements in masculine arts, 
such as wood carving, canoe building, and fortification. His theory rests mainly upon 
his " megalithic track," the assumption that patriarchy is universal in Polynesia and 
the occurrence throughout Polynesia of blonde individuals with the features and 
complexion of modern Europeans. 

Let us take the " megalithic track " first. Being the route of a maritime people 
it is necessary for Mr. Brown's hypothesis that it should hug the coast, but as the 
megalithic remains in Central Asia have to be cited " doubtless there was a line of 
'^ inland seas from the Caspian through the sea of Aral and Lake Baikal in primitive 
" times to account for the exception." 

On their western route the megalithic people were stopped by the Atlantic ; 
travelling eastward the road forks, one branch terminating in Java, the other entering 
the Pacific from the north, runs southward to New Zealand, eastward to Easter Island, 
and thence into Central America. To Mr. Brown any stone set up edgewise is part 
of the " colossal stone record " if it helps his theory. The rather trivial graves of 
the Tui Tonga, of which all but the smallest were built after 1600, are for his 
purpose "gigantic truncated pyramids" of unknown antiquity, and we are asked "to 
accept it as a law " that wherever unmortared stone monuments exist Caucasians have 
found their way. On this reasoning Zimbabwe would prove a Caucasian substratum 
in the Matabele, and the Chinaman and the Irishman are cousins because they both 
like roast pork. Equally fallacious is his argument that patriarchy among the Poly- 
nesians proves Aryan descent, because his premise is false. Patriarchy is not universal 
in Polynesia. In the ruling families, especially in Tonga, descent is traced through 
females, and the ruling families do not show a trace of Melanesian admixture. From 
this and other arguments it would appear that Mr. Brown has no personal acquaintance 
with any Polynesians except the Maoris, or he could not have committed himself to 
the statement that Polynesian women are drudges, and work in the fields and cook 
the food. In Samoa and Tonga the planting and cooking were always done bj the 
men, while the women wove the mats and beat out the bark cloth. Another curious 
false generalisation is that negroid features and a dark skin are admired as a characteristic 
of high rank, and that this proves that a dark race came in and conquered the fair. 
Though this is true of some of the Maori tribes, the fact is the exact opposite in the 
islands of central Polynesia. In fact, so varied are the social conditions in the difTerent 
groups that almost every argument drawn from the customs of the Maoris can be 
contradicted by reference to one or other of the tropical islands. It is difficult to 
know the meaning which Mr. Brown attaches to the words Palseolithic and Neolithic. 
It would seem from one passage that if a native happens to be using a stone adze 
which he has not had time to polish his culture for the moment is palaeolithic, for he 
says that the Maoris have a " stone culture which is at once Palaeolithic and Neolithic." 
This reviewer once interrupted a New Guinea canoe-builder who thus belonged to 
two prehistoric ages, in that he was hollowing the log with a stone adze roughly flaked 
into shape, but he explained the situation by saying that he had not had time to 

[ 137 ] 



Nob. 86-86.] MAN. [1907. 

polish the tool. And so, when Mr. Brown talks of a " palaBolithic route into Polynesia," 
probably he does not mean that the islands were peopled before the neolithic period 
in Europe. The antiquity he does claim is great enough, and here we will not quarrel 
with him, for it must now be admitted that New Zealand was peopled before the 
arrival of the six canoes. The finding of a stone oven and of a stone adze 14 feet 
below the surface in New Zealand, and of an adze at a like depth in Fiji (of which 
Mr. Brown does not appear to have heard), cannot be explained away. 

Incautious generalisation seems to be the failing of all who attack the ethnologic 
problem of Polynesia. Fornander, who came to a very different conclusion, was quite 
as rash. The problem of an isolated people possessing many of the physical qualities 
most admired among ourselves, obviously a mixed race, and containing individuals of 
European and of Semitic features, is so alluring and so elusive that startling hypotheses 
and a too indulgent eye for evidence are excusable, but the worst is that by the same 
method one may prove the Polynesians to be anything from Phoenician navigators to the 
Ten Lost Tribes. " One of the most untrustworthy of evidences of race is language," 
says Mr. Brown, when Malayan vocabularies stand in the way of his theory ; but 
when Indonesian roots are in question he remarks quite unblushingly that "firmer 
" ground is reached when affinity of language is appealed to." Nor are we sure that 
his theory is original. He makes no acknowledgment to Dr. A. H. Keane or to 
Mr. R. S. Thompson, though we think that both in the article " Korea " in The Living 
Races of Mankind^ and in The Maori Record {Origin of the Maori, 1905-6) his theory 
of the Caucasian dolmen builders was anticipated. There may be a Caucasian strain 
in the blood of the Polynesians, but unless the spade comes to our assistance the verdict 
must be "Not proven." T. 



Anthropology : Various. Various Authors. 

Boas Anniversary Volume. — Anthropological Papers written in Honour of ttA 
Franz Boas, Professor of Anthropology in Columbia University, New York : WU 
G. E. Stechert & Co. (New Era Printing Co., Lancaster, Pa.), 1906. Pp. xix + 559. 
26 X 18 cm. 

This volume, which was presented to Professor Boas on the twenty-fifth anniversary 
of his doctorate, contains papers by no fewer than forty-six contributors, among whom 
are many whose names are well known in Europe and America. No attempt, however, 
will bo made to refer separately to the various papers, which cover a wide range of 
subjects and treat of questions presented in Asia, Africa, and America. 

Many of the American papers are on linguistic and kindred studies among the 
western tribes. These are most appropriate in the present volume, when it is considered 
how great a number of texts and vocabularies have been recorded among the western 
tribes — for the greater part on the Pacific coast — at the suggestion and with the 
assistance of Professor Boas. This may be considered his principal field of research 
during the years he has spent in America, and the services he has thus rendered will 
be more highly appreciated by the students of the future, when many of the tribes, 
which are now rapidly declining in numbers or losing their peculiar characteristics, 
will have become extinct. 

When it is realised how comparatively little is known of the manners, customs, 
and ceremonies of the native tribes who formerly occupied the Mississippi Valley and 
the country eastward to the Atlantic it is gratifying to feel that valuable information 
pertaining to the western tribes is being gathered before it is too late. Let us hope that 
such work under Professor Boas' supervision may continue for many years. 

DAVID I. BUSHNELL, Jr. 

[ 138 ] 



1907.] MAN. [No. 87. 

PROCEEDINGS OF SOCIETIES. 
Proceedings. Britisli Association. 

Anthropology at the British. Association^ Leicester Meeting^ July 31 to Wj^ 
August 7, 1907. ■' 

The Anthropological Section of the British Association met in the Trades Hall, 
Leicester. The papers were quite up to the usual standard, but a very marked feature 
was the predominance of archsBological communications. Two important set discussions 
took place, one on the Iron Age and the other conjointly with Section L (Educational 
Science) on Anthropometrics in Schools. The President's address dealt with Religious 
Survivals and will be found reported in The Times^ in Nature^ and in the Report of the 
British Association, Leicester, 1907. 

In the following resume the final destination of each paper, so far as it is determined 
at present, is indicated in square brackets. 

Physical Anthropology. 

J. Gray, B.Sc. — Anthropometrics in Schools, [Man.] 

F. C. Shrubsall, M.A., M.D. — The Aims and Function of Anthropometry in 
Relation to the School. — The chief need at present is to establish a series of norms and 
the allowable range of variation. The value of food supplies, surroundings, hours of 
sleep, &c., of children is being gradually determined, and it is probable that light will 
be thrown on the problems of the best forms of exercise for school children under 
different conditions, and possibly even on the arrangement of the curriculum. 

' E. Meyrick, B.A., F.R.S. — On the Practical Difficulties in Obtaining Measure- 
ments of Growth in Schoolboys. — [TAe School World.'] 

The discussion on Anthropometrics in Schools opened with the papers by Mr. Gray, 
Dr. Shrubsall and Mr. Meyrick ; there also spoke Sir Victor Horsley, Mr. Ramsay 
Macdonald, M.P., Professor M. E. Sadler, Mr. C. Hawkins, and Miss Wileman. 

T. C. James and H. J. Fleure. — A Preliminary Report on the Progress of the 
University of Wales Ethnographical Survey. — The survey was begun two years ago, 
and the measurements taken include the more important ones recommended by the 
Anthropometric Committee of the British Association. Any persons with any known 
non- Welsh ancestors are not measured. Attention has so far been concentrated on 
Cardiganshire, and some 700 subjects have been observed, 100 of these being women. 
The county has been divided into three districts, and a special study made of the 
central division, bounded on the east by the moors above Tregaron, and on the north 
by the hills just south of the Ystwyth and Wyre. The following preliminary analysis 
of this district will be of interest, the grouping being purely experimental : — 

(a) Average height, 1,693 mm. Average cephalic index, 76*1. Hair and eyes 
darker than medium brown. Face long and narrow. The group may perhaps be 
provisionally connected with Homo mediterraneus. 

{b) Average height, 1,682 mm., but with a wide range of variation. Average 
cephalic index, 78*2. Hair and eyes fair, reddish hair and blue eyes being a typical 
combination. The group may provisionally be identified with the "Northern Race," 
except that stature is low. 

(c) Average height, 1,680 mm. Cephalic index, 81. Hair medium brown and 
darker. Eyes grey or brown. 

(d) Moderately tall. Fair. Cephalic indices as in 6, but grading into the other 
groups. 

J. R. Mortimer. — The Cephalic Indices and the computed Stature of the 
Pagan Saxons in East Vorhshire. — The data on which the paper was based was 
collected in various burial grounds of the mid-wolds of Yorkshire. The series of 

[ 139 ] 



No. 87.] MAN. [1907. 

in torments may lie considered as fairly representing the Anglo-Saxons of the district. 
Of the sixty-one skeletons examined, thirty-one were dolichocephalic with an average 
cephalic index of 72 '3, and with a mean computed stature of 5 feet 5| inches. Seven 
were brachycephalic, with an average index of 81 '1, and a stature of 5 feet 4 inches. 
Twenty-three were mesaticephalic, with an index of 77 and a stature of 5 feet 3^ inches. 
It therefore seems clear that the long headed people were taller than those with 
short heads. 

R. J. Anderson. — Racial Types in Connaught, 

T. E. Smuuthwaite. — The Six Races of Mankind. 

Report of the Committee to conduct Anthropometric Investigation in the British 
Isles, — The subjects which the Committee is called upon to deal with being so numerous 
and HO diverse, it was deemed advisable to appoint five sub-committees, each of which 
would confine its iittention to a particular branch of anthropometry and draw up a report 
to b(i submitted to the committee as a whole. The following are the sub-committees 
which were constitntcMl : — 

1. An anatomical sub-committee. 

2. A physiological sub-committee. 

3. A ])sychological sub-committee. 

4. A photographic sub-committee. 

5. An educational sub-committee. 

The reports which have been submitted by these sub-committees represent the 
work of the Conmiittee for the past year. 

Ethnography. 

T. AsHBY, D.Litt., F.S.A. — Note on the Ethnography of Sardinia. — The opinions 
expressed by Dr. Mackenzie and myself last year in our Note on the Ethnology of 
Sanlinia have only been confirmed by a subsequent visit to the island paid by myself 
and Mr. J. fi\ Baker-Penoyre in March last. It would seem that there is an opportunity 
for ethnogrn])hical research, conducted by scholars who have experience of the problems 
which present themselves in the Eastern Mediterranean with regard to the ethnological 
affinities of the earliest inhabitants. Nor would it be well to lose sight of the fact that 
the pn^historic remains of the British Isles may supply important parallels. 

J. W. Crowfoot. — The Anthropological Field in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, — 
The dervish rule, which worked havoc in the Northern Sudan, left the pagan black zone 
to the south almost untouched. In the Bahr-el-Ghazal region anthropologists will 
then>fore be able to work directly u|H)n the foundations laid by Schweinfurth and 
Junker ; north of this, in l)ar Nuba, they will find a virgin field which, though difficult 
to work, mav vield most valuable historical results. To the east lies another district 
unknown until this vear — the land of the Buruns. 

In the Northern, or Muslim, Sudan the dervish period has completely changed the 
conditions. Whole trilH?s have Ihhmi devastateil, or transplanted, or mixed with black 
shivos or Egyptian prisoners, and written reconis of the past have been destroyed. The 
thnv main language gn>ups — Nubian, Bega, and Arabic — however, remain, and scientific 
oontn>vorsy has hiihorto tununl ujnm the origin of the [KK)ple using them, the most 
recent conclusion Wing that all are African in spite of their traditions. Similar debates 
weix^ nusiM lH>th in the Mtnlia^val and Roman perioils. and the two facts of survival and 
invasion ap|H^ar to W Ixnh esmblishcil : the issue is one of degree how far the invaders 
have nuxlifit\i their pn^kvossors. 

As s|H^cial fields in which to study the plasticity of the various types and open 
pr oblongs of nuMianal history which must l>o settled l>efore ancient history can be 
apprx^acluHl I suggi^st the following : — 

(A^ The stHlent^rv Alvalxle at Daraw and in Berber. 

{h) The families olniming Arab and Turkish origin iu the district south of Halfau 

[ 1*0 ] 



1907.] MAN. [No. 87. 

(c) Villages in the Shabluka cataract and on the Blue Nile claiming descent from the 
Anag, a medieaval people which held the Central Sudan before the last Muslim invasions. 

(d) The tumuli in the Bega district from Suakin to the Atbara and the Nile. 

E. ToRDAY and T. A. Joyce, M.A. — Notes on the Ethnology of the South- 
West Congo Free State, \Joum. Roy, Anthr. Inst.^ Vol. XXXVII.] 

F. W. Knocker. — Notes on the Wild Tribes of the Ulu Plus^ Perak. [Journ. 
Roy, Anthr, Inst,"] 

Mi 88 B. PuLLEN-BuRRY, — A Study of the Conditions of the Maoris in 1907. — 
This study dealt with the population, distribution, and the GoTernment representation 
of the Maoris, their transitional condition, education, religion, character and health, and 
concluded with a sketch of the native land question. 

Mark Skyes. — The Iranian Tribes of the Ottoman Empire, 

0. Bainbridge. — Life and Custom in the South Seas, 

Report of the Committee appointed for the Collection^ Preservation^ and 
Systematic Registration of Photographs of Anthropological Interest, — The Committee 
issued with this report the second list of photographs registered with them. 

Religions and Sociology, 

L. R. Farnell, M.A., Litt.D. — Dr, Usener^s Theories concerning Sonder-Gbtter 
and ^^ Augenblick'Gotter** in his ^^ Gottemamen,^^ — The Roman '* Indigitamenta," 
transcribed by St. Augustine from Varro, present a long list of divinities or divine 
potencies that presided over the manifold and often momentary activities of man in 
the spheres of agricultiu^al and domestic life. These powers are indicated by no 
proper personal names, but by mere appellatives that are invented to express their 
limited function : they appear to have a very slight degree of personality, no definite 
relations with concrete divinities, and no continuous life, but are merely invoked at the 
particular moment of a certain action. Also in the record of the Greek cults we find 
a species of divine beings that seem to possess a similar character ; and Dr. Usener 
has discovered a similar system of functional divinities designated by adjectival names 
in the old Lithuanian religion. A few examples have been recently gathered of cognate 
cult-forms among modern savage peoples. This system may be regarded as a peculiar 
form of animism. But Dr. Usener has coined the terms " Sonder-Gott " and " Augen- 
blick-Gott" to express the character of these vague, transitory, limited divinities. 
Dr. Usener's theory about these gains its chief importance from two assumptions : 
(a) that these are the relics, in Greece and elsewhere, of a very primitive period when 
the religious imagination had not yet created the concrete personal figures such as 
dominate Greek polytheism, but only such shadowy half-personal forms as in the 
" Indigitamenta " ; (b) that the Greek pantheon was deeply indebted to this system, 
since its divinities attach to themselves and absorb many of these appellatives that 
once characterised independent and vaguely conceived ^^ numina," and that now serve 
to express the complex individuality of a Zeus, Apollo, Demeter, &c. 

But a critical examination of the Greek evidence, whatever may be said of his 
theory when applied to other religious areas, does not support his assumptions, and he 
fails to consider the other and opposing explanation that many of these Greek 
appellative " numina " may be creations of the personal polytheism, mere emanations of 
concrete divinities like Nike of Athena, coming into being owing to the accidental 
detachment of an epithet from a personal god or goddess. The same epithet is often 
applied to many anthropomorphic divinities. Again, none of these Greek appellatives 
of " Sonder-G otter " proper appear to belong to the earliest stage of the language, and 
many of the assumed " Sonder-Gotter " are not functional, and if they ever existed as 
independent powers in the popular imagination belong obviously as much to the 
anthropomorphic system as Apollo and Artemis. Finally, many of these appellative 

[ 141 1 



Vo. 87 J MAN. [1907. 

" Sonder-Gotter " are probably late fictions, and are merely created to assist the 
festivals of the higher personal gods. Doubtless many of the divinities of the Hellenes 
took over the epithets and names of those whom they dispossessed. But there is 
reason for believing that a strong personal religion, a pervading belief in concrete 
individual divinities, was brought with them by the earliest Hellenic tribes, and that 
this character also attached to much of the earlier religion that they found in their 
Mediterranean homes. 

W. H. R. Rivers, M.D. — Some Sociological Definitions. — Anthropology has 
now reached a stage in its development in which it has become imperative that its 
technical terms should acquire definite meanings, and some kind of collective action 
is necessary to do what is possible towards obtaining general agreement in the use 
of such terms. The following are to be regarded merely as suggestions for the use of 
any body which may undertake the task of defining terms on the sociological side 
of anthropology. I will begin with the terms for the different divisions of society. 

TViftc— A group of a simple kind occupying a circumscribed area which has a 
common language, common government, and conunon action in warfare, etc. The 
words " of a simple kind " are inserted in order to distinguish the tribe from the nation. 

Sept. — The social group for which there is at present the greatest diversity of 
nomenclature is the exogamous section of a tribe, the chief terms in use being clan, 
gens, sept, and totem-kin. The last term is open to the objection that there is no 
difference from the social point of view between a section of a tribe which takes its 
name from a totem, and one which has a designation of some other kind. The term 
clan is perhaps the most widely used, but is rejected by some, and it will probably 
be least disturbing to adopt the term sept^ which cannot be said at present to have 
any definitely recognised meaning. 

Phratry, — A division of a tribe larger than the sept, as in North America, including 
two or more septs (though it may sometimes happen that, owing to the disappearance 
of septs, a phratry may have only one sept). 

Moiety, — When there are only two phratries, and they are exogamous, so that 
a member of one division must marry a member of the other, the divisions may be 
called moieties. 

Class, — This term should be limited to the matrimonial classes of the Australians, 
or to any similar groups which may be found elsewhere. 

Caste. — This is not always easy to distinguish from the tribe even in India, but 
it may be defined as a section of a larger community which stands in definite relations 
to other similar sections, which usually has an occupational basis and a definite rule 
of endogamy. 

Family. — This term should be limited to the group consisting of parents and 
children. The term " extended family " may be used for a group of persons descended 
from the same grandfather or grandmother or more distant progenitor (i.e., where 
the descent can be demonstrated genealogically and is not mythical as is often the 
case with the sept). Occasionally the sept and the extended family may correspond 
with one another. 

Kin and Kinship, — These terms should be limited to the relationship set up by 
ties of blood which can be demonstrated genealogically. 

Sib and Sibship. — The old word *i^ may be used for the relationship set up 
by membership of the sept. 

Terms connected with Marriage and Descent. — Those suggested by Mr. Thomas 
in his " Kinship Organisations and Group Marriage in Australia " may be adopted, with 
possibly the modification that the supplementary unions which make it necessary to dis- 
tinguish between similar and dissimilar polyandry and polygyny might be separated from 

[ 142 ] 



1907.] MAN. [No. 87. 

marriage proper, those in which a man has supplementarj partners being called concu- 
binage, while those in which a woman has supplementary partners are called cicisbeism. 

Mother-right, — This might be adopted as a convenient term for a state of society 
in which there are two or all of the three conditions, matrilineal descent, matrilocal 
marriage, and matripotestal family. 

W. H. R. Rivers, M.D. — MorgaiCs Malayan System of Relationship. — Morgan^s 
concept of the ^' consanguine family ^' as the earliest stage in the development of 
human society was founded on his belief in the primitiveness of the system of 
relationship now existing in Polynesia. The cliaracteristic of this " Malayan " system 
is the very wide connotation of the terms expressive of kinship, so that relatives are 
denoted by one term, for whom there are several terms in the more usual forms of the 
classifactory system of relationship. 

It is unlikely that people so advanced in culture as the Polynesians should have 
retained the most primitive of existing methods of reckoning relationship, and there 
is evidence that communities elsewhere, such as the islanders of Torres Straits and 
the Kurnai of Australia, possess kinship systems which are in process of modification 
in such a way that they are coming to resemble the Malayan form, and it thus becomes 
highly probable that the Malayan system is a late product of change rather than the 
representative of a primitive stage of the human family. This conclusion is strengthened 
by the fact that similar approaches to the Malayan form are to be found in North 
American tribes which show no indication of forms of social organisation earlier than 
those of their neighbours. 

G. L. GoMME. — Some Considerations on the Origin of Totemism. — The author 
argued that totemism must have arisen from conditions of human life which were 
universal, and referred to the migrations by which manhood had spread all over the 
world as supplying these conditions. Migrations left the sexes differently constituted, 
the male being the moving element, the female the stationary element. Women in 
this way became more intimately associated with friendly animals, plants, and trees, 
and looked to them for food and protective power rather than to the males. This 
produced a sex-cleavage. Women influenced the totem names given to children, and 
the Arunta system in Australia and the Semang system in the Malay peninsula were 
given as instances. Natural exogany would come from difference in totems between the 
fathers and the mothers. Totemism began as an artificial association of groups of 
people and was not based on a kinship society. 

Technology. 

J. L. Myres, M.A. — A Terminology of Decorative Art. — Decorative art, as the 
subject of anthropological study, needs analysis, on the technological side, in order to 
describe and define the precise contribution made by the artistes hand to the decoration 
of the object. So long as the decorative motives are recognisable attempts to represent 
some actual object, such as an animal or a plant, or part of one, description in general 
terms is easy ; and, for all beyond this, graphic illustration is inevitable. But in the 
more abstract, and particularly for " geometrical " types of decoration, the actual pro- 
cesses employed by the artist stand in a more important relation to the completed work. 
Artistically the effects produced by drawing on the same surface a double series of 
alternate triangles and the limiting lines of a band of continuous chevrons are practi- 
cally indistinguishable ; but technologically their origin, affinities, and potential 
development are quite different. 

In such cases the mere graphic reproduction of the ornament is not an adequate 
description, still less a definition of it. On the other hand, a sufficiently precise 
terminology would enable a student at a distance to reconstruct from dictation a pattern 
which was similar technologically, and actually more valuable for purposes of comparison 
than a photograph of the original design. 

[ 143 ] 



No. 87.] MAN. [1907. 

The basis of any such system, applicable to the description of abstract designs, 
must be strictly technological ; that is, it must be essentially a description (1) of what 
the artist did ; (2) as far as possible, of the order in which he did it, distinguishing 
motif from enhancement or filling ; (3) if necessary, of the effect produced by the 
completed work, in cases where this differs from that of the artist's work while in 
progress. E,g,^ in figure {a) we have the motif of " alternate series of recurrent 
triangles," leading to a "chevron" effect; in (c) these triangles are enhanced by 
*' hachure " or " hatching " (a term borrowed from the engraver's art), and in {d) by 
" cross-hatching." In [h\ on the other hand, motif and effect are alike " chevron." 

In composite patterns the minor elements must be located by reference to the major 
element which they enhance^ or on which they are based^ and subsequent phrases must 
define their relations to each other. 

The elaboration of such a terminology as is here proposed should, of course, be 
gradual ; it should be based upon careful comparison of terminologies actually employed 
in the past by expert technologists ; and it should conform in its syntax to the approved 
usages of heraldry, systematic botany, and the like, which fortunately agree in essentials. 
It should take account, from the first, of foreign synonyms, and proceed — like other 
artificial terminologies — partly by the incorporation of brief graphic idioms from the 
vocabulary of the industries concerned, partly by judicious coinage of words, as in 
zoology, from Greek or other universal vocabularies. 

Much may be done in the meantime to fix current idiom by detailed descriptive 
analysis of some of the commoner geometrical forms, such as the triangle, the wavy line, 
the spiral, or the plait. A conspicuous instance of the confusion produced by neglect 
of " terminological exactitude " is the greater part of the recent literature of basketry ; 
and this is the less excusable, because in the allied art of weaving an ancient, 
idiomatic, and peculiarly accurate vocabulary exists in nearly every European language. 

F. H. Newberry and T. H. Bryce, M.D. — Door-step Art: A Traditional Folk 
Art. F. H. Newberry. — The Art Relations, T. H. Bryce. — Some Remarks on its 
Anthropological Bearings. 

Mr. Newberry stated that the early scribblings of children, though apparently 
meaningless, may be shown to be instinctive art products. As development, physical 
and mental, proceeds, the drawings become more purposeful and regulated, and forms 
are evolved that come under the heading of applied art. Illustrations of such forms 
occur in many of the historic styles of ornament, notably in primitive and savage art, 
and the whole region of " door-step " art is filled with the designs and application of 
geometrical patterns and drawings created in this stage of artistic evolution. Patterns 
are produced in infinite variety, and are used chiefly to decorate door-steps, hearths, 
and the borders of rooms. Describing the chief points of interest in the examples of 
" door-step " art that have as yet been collected. Dr. Bryce pointed out that the designs 
are traditional in character, being handed down from generation to generation. They 
are purely geometrical and conventional. There is no zoomorphic motive and very 
rarely any attempt to represent natural vegetable forms. The art is practised entirely 
by women, aiul is entirely independent of any outside influence. The question arises 
whether the designs are, as Mr. Newberry interprets them, the expression of primitive 
art-instinct or whether they are a survival. 

Professor W. Ridgeway. — The Origin of the Crescent as a Muhammadan 
Badge. 

Primitive peoples were in the habit of wearing, as an amulet, claws or tusks of the 
most powerful and dangerous animals. These in time were placed base to base, and 
the crescent form resulted, and the Muhammadans therefore adopted a pre-existing 
symbol, and the connection of the crescent with the moon is a later development. 



Printed by Eybb AND Spottiswoode, His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, K.C. 



Man, 1907. 



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1907.] MAN. [No. 88. 

ORIGINAL ARTICLES. 
Africa, South. With Plate K. Johnson. 

Aboriginal Rock - Ohlppitiffs on tho Farm Blauwboschdrift, Oil 
Horbert, South Afkrica. % J. P. Johnson. 00 

The very interesting series of aboriginal roek-chippings on the farm Biauw- 
boschdrift, which form the subject of this note, were discovered by Professor Young 
and myself in 1905. At this place the artists had selected a glacially-polished surface 
on which to chip their pictures of man and beast. A photograph of the actual slab 
of stone on which they occur, and which has a special interest to the student of geology 
as well as to the anthropologist, is reproduced on Plate XII of Vol. IX of The 
Transactions of the Geological Society of South Africa, The figures were confined 
to the upper half of the slab and numbered close on 200. 

We had previously visited Riverton and Pniel, and had seen the rock-chippings, 
which are referred to by Stow in his book on The Native Races of South Africa^ 
and which also occur on glacially-polished surfaces. Those from Blauwboschdrift, 
however, are of quite a different type. 

I made drawings, which are reproduced in the accompanying Plate, of a 
selected number of these rock-chippings. The outlines of these were first very 
carefully tracked on transparent paper, and then inked in on the spot, while the size 
and distribution of the chips were copied as closely as possible. Apart from the 
figure of a plough, of which there was only one example, they are a very representative 
series. 

The three horsemen at the liottom are shown in the relative positions they occupy 
on the rock, as also are the three humped oxen. The highly conventional rendering 
of the former is noteworthy. The large beast at the top and the two in the top 
left-hand corner appear to be purely fanciful. The only probably wild animals seem 
to be the ostrich, hyaena, which is very faithfully depicted considering the limitations 
of this kind of work, and the bird of uncertain species. 

These chippings have weathered to the same colour as the rest of the rock surface. 
On the same slab there are one or two figures which are evidently much more recent. 
In them the chippings are comparatively fresh and show up well against the dark 
background. They are larger than the originals, of which they are imitations, and 
are markedly inferior in execution. None of the chippings, however, can be ancient. 
Neither the plough nor the horsemen are compatible with any antiquity. 

Close by is a rock-shelter where the artists very probably lived. It is situated 
in a low cliff of boulder-shale and has been excavated in a soft patch immediately 
under the hard layer of conglomerate which there forms the top. It is very likely 
that this was originally a small natural shelter which was afterwards artificially 
enlarged. There can, however, be no doubt that the whole of the rock-shelter as it 
now stands was artificially hollowed out. It was formerly much bigger, a considerable 
portion of the roof at the front having since fallen down. The entrance is choked 
with slabs and pieces of the conglomerate. There was, unfortunately, no time to 
make any excavations in search of the stone implements which are almost certain 
to be there. 

These rock-chippings differ from those of Pniel and Riverton in being very much 
smaller. The latter, too, are in outline only, and include numbers of curious symbols 
which are quite absent from Blauwboschdrift. Moreover, the objects depicted are 
mostly different. 

On a slope about half a mile away I picked up two almond-shaped palaeoliths 
(Catalogue No. 9,630-9,631). J. P. JOHNSON. 



[ H5 ] 



JTo. 89.] 



MAN. 



£1907. 



•M rn>ir 



Enfrlatid : Arobeeology. Warren. 

Not* on oomo ntlMOltthlo and Noollthio Implsmente /ram East QA 

LInoolnohlra. //// ,S', iluxzledine IVarren, F.G.S. UQ 

III llm (Knimo iif iiiviiKtij(ii|.iriK ilie nuporficial formationn of the Eaet Lin col na biro 

iKJKlilK'itrhmiil itf Hk(ij(iioiiK 1 have come ucroxa some flint implements that 

I wliicli tliey were found ; especially as 

ijcilhcr palicolithic nor neolithic 

implementH have previouBlj been 

recorded from the district, so far as 

I liavc Ijoen able to discover. Of 

conrno no stone implements are 

found upon the surface of the 

iniirslijand ; for the old neolithic 

enrfaeo is deeply buried beneath 

Inter accumulations, for the most 

part consisting of marine 




)iioi>i iiH><>nl fonnalioii!' 
iUliii)( fniiii lh« ItonuiiK 
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KulHinlinHit' iH>itl-liiHU. 
tiilnl HhI« hikI It owHuipv li 
with BiunnHi i>r lurp' trt'en 



oIkow liens but brii'Hy i1k< 
nw Uoiti'li l)c]iosil» coi 
llriiixb iijn' to tlio ]ires(>nt 
iloriviMl from thi' marine t 
llu'so llvaoh Di'iHisits ar« 
hose wi-rv dt'tmsiittHl ujKin 
lUrfuiHi, Below the* 



(wnrp clay) 
which reiiub, 
of thirty feet 



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II tllO [Hisii 

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itself. This 



with Scrobicularia, 
I places, a thickness 

describe the geology 
siiwcssioLi is as follows. The 
listing of sand and shingle, 
.lay. The material composing 
OS ion of the underlying beds, 
the Srrobicnlaria Clays with 
"dehitteable ground" betweeD 
ugniii we have the Forest Bed^ 
' )»\>3trate tniuka. 
thickness, while beneath 



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>lw f»ry«l tb,n\- »t>' j\*i,-h<-s .vf )v.«i-^U,-ia] 
tVitt TiWiVVi )\.Sl»>Ni ^^ l1n\i»ltll* *,-li,w. 

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1907.] 



MAN. 



CN0.8S. 



flake, hence the peculiarities of its form.* The acrapiug edge, which extends netu'ly 
all round the little iQstrameiit, was formed by flaking upwards towards a point in the 
centre. It is nearly circular in outline, being 4 ■ i cm. long, 3 ' 8 cm. broad, and 2 ■ 2 cm. 
in thickness. In general appearance the implement very much resembles a small core, 
except that it is worked at a much lower angle. At the point (*) where the angle is 
the highest an effort was made to work the flaking further back by the delivery of 
several blows which, however, proved ineffective, and only resulted in crushing the 
edge ; an effect with which one is only too familiar in one's own essays in flint working- 
All round the scraping edge may be seen the effects of wear in rounding ofi" its keenness. 
In mineral condition this flint is slightly peat-stained and lustrous and faintly mottled on 
its upper surface (as it lay in its bed), but quite dull and fresh looking 00 its under 
surface. It is probably the protection from percolating water that was afforded by the 
spreading roots of the tree under which it lay that is the cause of its comparative 

Among the other implements, ffakes and cores, found in tilu in this bed may be 
mentioned one thin, very keen-edged .'"', 

flake 6 ■ cm. long by about 2 • 7 cm. ,-•' '.. 

broad and 0'7 cm. in thickness^K>r .-' \ 

rather one edge is still keen while 
the other has been blunted by use. 
This, like the majority of the im- 
plements and other flints from this 
bed is deeply peat-staine<), through 
the action of water passing through 
the overlying peat. Indeed, some 
of tbem are of an almost sooty 
blackness. 

Besides the implements, there 
are also in places numerous frag- 
ments of burnt flint, some of them / 
doubtless the remains of shattered \ 
" pot-boil ere." 

Elsewhere in the Fenland the 
neolithic implements are generally 
stated to have come from the bottom 
peat.t This has not been my ex- 
perience in East Lincolnsliire. In 
fact, as already stated, the little 
instrument figured antedated not only 

the formation of the peat, but also ""' "' 

the growth of the large forest trees. The difference is worth noting, as 
prove of some importance in our chronological succession of events. 

With regard to stone implements found indiscriminately upon the surface, one is 
often troubled with doubts as lo how far these may be genuinely " neolithic," and how 
far they may belong to a later period. Bronze Age remains have been recorded from 
the warp clays above the forest at Hun,:^ and these are necessarily much later than the 




may 



his AhcUiU Stone Implfmeitti 



• Compare the scraper from Bridlington figured by Sir John Evans 
of Ortat Britain. 1897. Fip. 219. 

t Professor T. McKenny Hughes, The Archaology and Geography of the Fenland, 
Brit. Archaal. Atmc., 1899). 

1 C. Beid, (leology of yorth Lintoliukire, ic (Geological Survey Memoir on sheet 88), 1890, 
p. 1H7. See aUo T. Sheppard, Traiu. Hull Scieiit. and F. U. Club, Vol. I., 1900, p. 123. 
[ 1" ] 



No8. 8»-90.] MAN. [1907. 

old forest soil beneath the bottom peat. Some, at least, of these warp or Scrobicularia 
clays appear, therefore, to be of the Bronze Age, and there is little doubt that whatever 
is found in the old forest soil is not later than the Neolithic Age. Whether the peat 
be of the neolithic or of the Bronze Age is a matter of some uncertainty, as I have 
not been able to discover anything in it. But neolithic man certainly occupied the 
district long before its formation ; that is to say, before the depression of the land 
which converted the forest into a swamp, which in its turn destroyed the trees and 
resulted in the formation of the peat. 

The palaBolithic implement — which I believe it to be — ^represented in Fig. 2, I 
found in situ in one of the patches of drift gravel, overlying the boulder clay and 
beneath the forest. It was also found at Ingoldmells Point. In type the implement 
18 somewhat indefinite; it measures 7*6 cm. long, 6'1 cm. broad, and 2*0 cm. in 
thickness. It clearly did not flake kindly to the will of the workman, and may perhaps 
be considered as more or less of a " waster." It is, however, very near to a special 
type of which I once found several at Freshwater in the Isle of Wight. The face 
not shown has a good deal of the outer crust of the flint left upon it, and this is 
much glaciated. It was evidently made from a flint taken out of the boulder clay 
below, and this does not appear to be the case with the neolithic implements. A 
further difference is in its condition. It is not abraded or water-worn, it is true, but 
in place of being peat stained it is faintly gravel stained, although not sufficiently 
so to be called ochreous. But the essential evidence, upon which its palasolithic age 
is inferred, is that itjwas found in situ in a patch of drift gravel beneath the neolithic 
soil, and belonging to a different order of geological events. 

The third implement figured was found on a road that had been repaired with 
gravel dug in an old sea beach of Romano-British age near Skegness. This is clearly 
palaeolithic in type, but it has unfortunately suffered considerable damage. It^-or 
rather that which is left of it — ^measures 7*9 cm. by 7 '5 cm. by 1*8 cm. in thickness. 
It is boldly worked on both faces, and has a deep ochreous patina which was sub- 
sequently bleached by exposure at the time when the implement was rolled upon the 
Romano-British beach. Now, as already stated, the material composing these beaches 
has been derived from the local boulder clay and overlying beds by marine erosion, 
«nd there can be no doubt but that this implement came from one of the patches of 
drift gravel overlying the boulder clay, such as that in which the one previously 
•described was found. 

The old beaches likewise yield artificial flakes of flint, some of which appear 
to be palaBolithic. But as these beaches (in company with the modem beach) also 
contain others that are obviously neolithic implements from the old forest soil, and 
as the two sets of implements have in some cases all been rolled and patinated 
together, it would be a somewhat hazardous matter to attempt to draw a hard-and- 
fast line between them. S. HAZZLEDINE WARREN. 



Biograpliy. Tylop. 

Ooffiff rat ulat ions to Edward Burnett Tylor. Qfl 

The 2nd October, 1907, was the seventy-fifth birthday of Professor Edward uU 
Burnett Tylor, and anthropologists all over the world join in wishing for him good 
health to enjoy many future years. The Fellows of the Royal Anthropological Institute 
especially offer their good wishes and congratulations, in memory of his emiuent 
services to the Institute and to Anthropology. The Council of the Institute has 
resolved to mark the occasion by the gift to Professor Tylor of the Huxley Memorial 
medal, and by dedicating to him this yearns issue of their Journal — a compliment as 
4ippropriate as it is rare. I am glad to be permitted to add a few words of appre- 
ciation and of eulogy. Professor Tylor^s supreme position in Anthropology has been 

[ 148 ] 



1907.] MAN. [Nos. 90-91. 

recognised bj his appointment as the first Professor of Anthropology in the University 
of Oxford and by honorary degrees. In his person, that ancient university has accepted 
anthropology as a science to be taught under its auspices. 

Dr. Tylor belongs to a family which has for several generations held a high 
position in the mercantile and philanthropic circles of the City of London, but he early 
broke with the family traditions and gave himself to the study of ethnology, notably 
that of Mexico and the Mexicans. He joined the Anthropological Society of London 
on its establishment in 1863, and became for a short time its foreign secretary. At the 
meeting of 24th March, 1863, he noticed the resemblance between the musical instru- 
ments of the Fans and those of the Aztecs and South Americans ; and he contributed 
to the first issue of the Anthropological Review in May of that year a paper on 
** Wild Men and Beast Children." In July he ceased to hold office in the Society. 

In 1865 he published his great work entitled Researches into the Early History 
of Mankind and the Development of Civilisation^ in which he discussed the gesture 
language and picture writing of various peoples, their belief in magic, their systems of 
mythology — generally, their arts, customs, and legends — with a view to determine either 
the historical connection between the peoples or the common mental processes out of 
which the arts and traditions spring. In the same year he joined the British Association. 
In 1867 he joined the Ethnological Society of London, and contributed to the Anthro- 
pological Review an article on the " Phenomena of the Higher Civilisation, traceable 
to a rudimental origin among savage tribes." In 1868 he joined the Council of the 
Ethnological Society, and in 1869 became a Vice-President. In the same year he 
presided over the Department of Ethnology of the British Association, and in 1879 
over that of Anthropology. In 1879 to 1881 he was President of the Anthropological 
Institute, and in 1884 the first President of the Section of Anthropology formed at the 
Montreal meeting of the British Association. He again served as President of the 
Anthropological Institute in 1891-93. On all these occasions his Presidential addresses 
and the numerous papers he read marked important stages in the progress of anthropology, 
and in our knowledge of mankind in the social relation. If I might presume to single 
out one as of especial value, it would be that on a method of investigating the 
development of institutions applied to laws of marriage and descent, read before the 
Anthropological Institute in November 1888. His results are co-ordinated in Primi- 
tive Culture; and the whole subject of anthropology is illuminated and rendered 
popular in the work bearing that title, and in the article "Anthropology" in the 
Encyclopcedia Britannica, E. B» 



REVIEWS. 
Afirioa : Oongro. Miis^e du Oongo. 

Notes Analytiques sur les Collections ethnographiques du Musee du Congo^ Ad 
Tom, II. Les Industries Indigenes ; Fasc. i.. La Ceramigue. Brussels : U I 
Published by the Museum, 1907. Pp. 1-194, PI. i-xxi. 37 X 27 cm. 

The third instalment of the admirable descriptive series, which is being published 
by the authorities of the Congo Museum at Tervueren, describing the important 
ethnographical collections in their keeping, deals with the pottery of the Congo Free 
State. The two preceding "fascicules" treated, it will be remembered, of the musical 
instruments, and the religion respectively. Excellent as the latter were as introduc- 
tions to the study of the collections in the museum, and as valuable records of the 
objects preserved at Tervueren, yet, considered solely as scientific works, they did not 
make any remarkably valuable contribution to our knowledge of the ethnography of this 
region. The contribution under consideration stands upon quite a different plane ; not 
only has it all the good qualities as a museum publication, which distinguished it» 

[ 149 1 



Ho. M.] MAN. [1907. 

predeceHHorH, but it ih a very able and valuable contribution to ethnographical science. 
Though uuHigned, it iH an open Kecret that the authors are M. le Baron A. de 
Haullevillc, and M. E. Coart, and it is matter for regret that they should not have 
done themHelves the justice of putting their names to such a well-considered and 
thoughtful piece of work. 

The treatise opens with a short discussion as to the origin of pottery in the Congo, 
and the authors argue, very reasonably, that the first stage in the manufacture of pots 
was the plastering of baskets with clay in order to render them watertight and capable 
of resisting the action of fire ; they cite as analagous the resined baskets and the clay- 
plastered wicker granaries which are often found in Africa, but state, " Les produits 
" jH>rtaTit tra<;es <le cette maniere de faire, etant essentiellement perissables et ephemeres, 
** n'ont evidemment laisse aucune preuve materielle dans le pays ou cet usage a 
" complcitement disparu." They will, therefore, doubtless be interested to hear that, 
by a strange coincidence, the British Museum has just acquired an excellent example 
of a (ilay-liiied basket from the Southern Ba-Mbula ; this, though not meant for holding 
water or for cooking, but for gambling (being, in fact, a " dice-box "), affords, never- 
theless, evidence that the practice of lining baskets with clay still exists in the Congo. 
As stated above, the authors consider that the most probable theory relative to 
the origin of pottery is that according to which the exterior of baskets is supposed 
to have been covered with clay to resist the action of fire ; in time the basket would 
decay and a pot would be left. But might it not be that the inside of the basket 
was so plastered, as in the case of the small basket mentioned above ? Especially as 
we know of many examples made watertight by an application of resin to the interior. 
Then, as the basket fell to pieces, not only would a pot be left, but a pot which bore 
ou its exterior the impress of the material which once surrounded it, the germ of 
exterior ornamentation. This is not meant as a criticism, but rather as a suggestion 
to which the authors might well give their consideration. 

After a consideration of the uses to which pottery is put, and the distribution of 
the art, including a most useful table showing where men and where women are the 
makers of the vessels, the authors proceed to a discussion of technique. In this 
chapter is given a classification and analysis of the various clays, the different methods 
of constructing the vessels, methods of firing, and the various resins and juices which 
are applied to the exterior of the pots. With regard to the second point, the interesting 
appliance used in the Lower Congo, which is in fact an embryonic wheel, is duly 
described anil figured. 

Following this is perhaps the best chapter of the whole of this admirable 
treatise, that dealing with form and ornamentation. The evolution of l^oth from natural 
forms, often through the media of basketry and woodcarving, and also from independent 
jjroducts of the two latter industries themselves is shown iA a most painstaking manner 
and with a singular wealth of illustration ; the chapter is a most valuable contribution 
to the study of evolution in form and design, and the authors are much to be con- 
gratulated on the excellent use they have made of the material to which they have 
had access. One of the most singular forms is a type found in the Welle, a vase 
with body of annular form and everted lip and foot. The authors may be interested 
to hoar that small baskets (used to contain the olivclla shells used as currency) of 
exactly similar shape but without the foot, are made by the Northern Ba-Mbala. 
Ornamentation in colours is also fully discussed. 

The fourth chapter deals with the very difiiicult question of classification ; and the 
authors found that the only satisfactory method is the geographical within wide limits, 
though it was found possible to make sulxiivisions according to colour, shape, &c. 
Finally, each of the main geographical divisions is given a separate descriptire chapter^ 
at the end of which is a catalogue section describing each separate pot figured in the 

[ 160 ] 



1907.] MAN. [Nob. 91-92. 

fine series of twenty-one plates which accompany the treatise. Hitherto the publica- 
tions of the Tervueren Museum have been distinguished by the excellence of the 
plates by which they have been accompanied ; those accompanying the present volume 
are even more remarkable. In this case the greater number are reproduced in colour, 
an ambitious attempt which, had it not been perfectly successful, would have diminished 
their value by more than half. But the result is so good that they alone, apart from 
the text, form one of the most important additions to Congolese ethnography which 
have appeared of late. Not only is the colouration well-nigh perfect, but the peculiar 
qualities of surface and patina are reproduced in a way which cannot be too highly 
praised. Altogether the Tervueren Museum is to be congratulated on having secured 
the services of two such painstaking authors, and on having been able to place such 
excellent facilities as regards reproduction at their disposal. 

One criticism might be offered as regards the form of the work : where an illus- 
tration appears in the text in such a position that the latter is divided into two 
columns, instead of each of these columns being made to read as a separate unit, each 
line of the right-hand column is continued across the illustration to the left, and the 
reader is continually annoyed by missing the alignment ; it is a very difficult thing to 
follow a horizontal line with the eye across a gap of even very small dimensions, and 
if the authorities could modify tbis arrangement iu the succeeding parts they would 
thereby make a great concession to the comfort of their readers. These succeeding 
parts will be awaited with the greatest interest by all students of African Ethnography. 

T. A. JOYCE. 



America : Central. Tozzer. 

A Comparative Study of the Mayas and Lacandones. By A. M. Tozzer. QA 
Philadelphia, 1906. Pp. 211. 27 x 18 cm. U4 

The rapidly-increasing interest in American archaeology determined the Archaeo- 
logical Institute of America to establish a Fellowship in that subject, tenable during 
four years, and the first Fellow appointed. Dr. A. M. Tozzer, a young graduate of 
Harvard, was sent to Yucatan early in 1902. He was to study the Maya language 
as a philologist and to make friends with the Indians in the hope of discovering 
some remains of their former lore, or knowledge of the characters used in the ancient 
inscriptions. 

The philological results promise to be of great interest, but as yet only the 
ethnological part of the Report has been published. In this Dr. Tozzer gives a 
summary of the history of Yucatan (so far as it can be gathered from local traditions 
and from early Spanish writers), touches on the personal and social characteristics of 
the Indians and their industries, and gives a full account of the remarkable religious 
rites which are still celebrated by the Lacandones. 

Although Maya is spoken throughout Yucatan, the purest version is that of the 
neighbourhood of Valladolid, and Benito Can a humble worker on the hacienda 
of Chichen Itza, was found to possess a minute knowledge of the intricacies of the 
language. His surname Can (= serpent) may indicate descent from the chanes, 
or serpent-chiefs, said to have originally founded Chichen. Sitting in his hut day 
after day, there was ample opportunity for observation of the people and their ways. 
They drank, quarrelled, and gossipped without ceremony. A woman might pick up 
an intrusive puppy by his tail with her toes and so fling him outside ; but usually 
dogs and hens were as much at home as the family. The hens, indeed, were of 
service in keeping down the too numerous spiders, cockroaches, and scorpions. A 
Maya house contains little furniture. Tbere are hammocks, one or two small stools, 
a box, a few cooking utensils, and water-pots, an ancient gun, and the indispensable 

[ 161 ] 



No. 92.] MAN. [1907. 

machete. One marvels at the neatness which enables the women to keep their white 
robes unsoiled on the floor of loose earth. 

From the peculiarly isolated position of Yucatan, with the sea to north and east, 
the swamps of British Honduras to the south, and waterless Campeche on the west, 
the inhabitants have developed (or retained) manj characteristics which distinguish 
them from other Mexican Indians. The Yucateco is a lively self-seeking creature, 
full of joie-de-vivre^ with a great talent for making money, an imagination which 
produces lies, and a disposition to believe the worst of his neighbour, perhaps due to 
knowledge of himself. He cares little for religion, and is capable of making an orgy 
of a pilgrimage. It would not occur to him to take trouble for anyone unless he were 
likely to profit by it. In all this, he is the antithesis of the Nahuatl Indian. So 
in language : the Maya is blunt and sententious, whilst the Nahuatl is full of courteous 
expressions. A Maya meeting a friend merely asks where he is going. A Nahuatl 
spends fivi^ minutes in reverential salutations. 

In appearance the Yucateco is well formed and active, with beautiful feet and 
ankles, and is always clean and tidy, whether in Sunday clothes or in the little apron 
worn by every man who works. Those of the towns and villages seem to have just 
a sufficient admixture of alien blood to differentiate them from the true Maya. One 
sometimes sees the latter on a country road — a little brown thing, walking with supple 
grace and so symmetrical that the small size is not noticed. Professor F. Starr's mean 
measurement of the stature of males was 1552 '4. 

Scarcely any systematic work has yet been done in determining the racial qualities 
of these people. Travelling is difficult in Yucatan, and although Spanish is usually 
understood a knowledge of Maya is necessary in order to become intimate with them. 
Few ancient tombs or skulls have been found. The greater part of the country is flat, 
and being close to the earthquake region it may have been subject to tidal waves, which 
seem to be recorded in the traditions of floods. In that case, everything except the 
great ruins might be swept away, and this would account for the extent of bare rock in 
a land where in spite of a six months dry season 18 inches of soil have accumulated on 
the paved court of the Monjas building at Chichen since it was deserted. 

Owing to the warfare between the Mexican troops and the independent Mayas, 
Dr. Tozzer found it impossible to come into touch with the latter, and after spending the 
greater part of three working seasons at Chichen he went up the Usumacinta river to 
the country of the Lacandoues, between Palenque and the Guatemalan border. This is 
a wooded district of hills and rivers which had scarcely been entered, except by one 
or two enterprising travellers, such as Carl Sapper and T. Maler, until in recent years 
it was exploited for its valuable timber. The greater part of Dr. Tozzer's book is 
devoted to this interesting primitive people. He lived for some time in their camps and 
is the only stranger who has been permitted to see their worship. They are a branch 
of the Mayas, having more affinity with the Itzas of Peten than with the present 
inhabitants of Yucatan. The latter, nominally Catholics, retain only a few of their 
ancient rites and methods of divination ; but the Lacandones, left for centuries to 
themselves, have an elaborate system of religious ceremonies, in which the men spend 
most of their time, except what is necessary for agriculture, hunting, or fishing. The 
father of the family is also the priest. 

Dr. Tozzer considers the religious life of the Lacandones a survival of that of 
the Mayas of Yucatan as described by Bishop Landa. Their prayers are propitiations 
and supplications to the gods to ward off* dangers and diseases in exchange for the 
sacrifices offered to them. The ruined temples are believed to be the shrines and 
homes of some of the gods. Mr. Maudslay describes the ruins of Yaxchilan as 
containing many earthen pots with offerings of incense, some of them recent ; and at 
Chichen Itza the local Indians visit the temple on the great pyramid as if it were a 

[ 152 ] 



1907.] MAN. [Nos. 92-88, 

sanctuarj. But although the Lacandones are aware that the inscriptious in the rains 
are " writing," they know nothing of the meaning. 

Each Lacandon encampment has a sacred hut in which are kept a numher of 
earthen pots or braseros, with a rude face projecting from the rim. Copal is burnt 
in these as incense to the gods, and on the lower Irp of the face offerings of food 
and drink are made. These braseros have to be renewed, if possible, every year, and 
new ones are made with prolonged ceremonies, which last several weeks. The old 
braseros are then considered dead. The ceremonies used in consecrating the new 
braseros last seven days and are in the nature of a sacrament. They include the 
ofTering of the first-fruits of the harvest, and all the people partake of small quantities 
of the sacred preparations of bread and wine. The bread is posoly made from maize. 
The wine is called Baltse^ and is made from the bark of a tree so named, mixed 
with wild honey or sugar cane and water. It contains a small quantity of alcohol, 
as it is allowed to ferment. Drunkenness, the desired result, is obtained by drinking 
large quantities and is considered to please the gods. Early Spanish writers describe 
the practice as medicinal, and state that the natives suffered when the missionaries 
stopped it. Under the copal in the braseros there is sometimes (as an "idol") one 
of the jadeite heads or plaques frequently found in southern Mexico. 

Both Mayas and Lacandones have animal surnames, and the latter have a system 
described as follows : — 

(1) They address each other by the terms of relationship to themselves, cousins 

and brothers being considered the same. 

(2) Each family has an animal name which is transmitted from father to son. 

(3) There is some larger division, and certain families are imited under one 

name. 

(4) Each person in the family bears a name as regards the order of precedence 

of birth. 

(5) Each person in the family bears an animal name which varies as the name 

under (4) varies. All first sons have the same name and the same animal 
name. 

The practice of calling cousins brothers (primo Aerwano^ cousin-brother) is alsa 
found among the Indians of the State of Michoac&n, near the Pacific coast. Two 
persons there, between whom there was no blood relationship, but who were distantly 
connected tlirough marriage of their relations, considered themselves as brother and 
sister, and it would have been thought impossible for them to marry. 

The Lacandones are entirely self-sustaining. They grow maize, tobacco, and 
cotton, make bows, and flint-headed arrows, hammocks, baskets and some pottery, and 
the women weave stuffs for their garments. The keeping of bees has still a religious 
significance. In these few scattered families we find survivals of former times in the 
names of many gods, the identity of the rites, pictured in the codices, with those now 
celebrated, the similarity in the offerings to the gods, and the sacrificial cutting of 
the ear with a stone knife, of which many examples are found in the Codices and 
sculptures. An excellent index and twenty-nine plates add to the value of the mass 
of information contained in this work. A. C. BRETON. 



Africa : West. Dennett. 

At the Back of the Black Man's Mind, By R. E. Dennett. London : QQ 
Macmillan, 1906. Pp. xv + 288. 23 x 15 cm. Price 10*. U^ 

Mr. Dennett is certainly the European who knows most about the West African 
negro's secret thoughts. If the aim of his book was to prove this he has fully realised 
it, but if his object was to show us the way by which he has arrived at it, he has been 
less successful. The author has such a thorough knowledge of the native mind and of 

[ 153 ] 



Ho. 98.] MAN. 0907. 

Ills manner of thinking, that he supposes his readers to understand things which are 
absolutely clear to him, but which are to anybody else wrapped in obscurity. 

The people with whom he deals are the Bavili — a branch of a people whom he 
calls Fiort. Mr. Dennett expresses doubt whether this latter word is derived from the 
Portuguese word filhote^ or is indigenous. In any case it is pronounced fioti or fiote 
by the natives, when applied in the sense of small, and I can see no reason why the 
author should always write fjort, I have never heard it used by other natives as the 
designation of a tribe, but only as that of a language, a language which includes 
Xivili and Xikongo, and these differ so slightly that they cannot be classed even as 
different dialects. 

To derive the word fioti from hufiia and Kubata seems only to be justified by 
the fact that it thus suits Mr. Dennett's theory. Whenever Mr. Dennett uses linguistic 
proof he takes such liberties that it is almost impossible to find out the slightest basis 
for them. For example, on p. 26, he says that 

Kanga lumbi ; Kanga mheta 
Malamba malambahana^ Xivili, 

means "Just as the sun rises and sets, so it is Mamboma's business to look after the 
" crowning and burial of Maluango ; and just as a woman cooks and intends to go on 
" cooking (and watching her pots), so Mambomu watches over the Bavili." 

The first line obviously expresses the idea of the rising and the setting sun, and 
there can be no doubt about the meaning of the last word of the second line. So two 
words remain to be translated, to get the sense of which the author requires thirty- 
five words in English. The Maluango may or may not have explained it so to him, 
but the author gives us no clue to this question. And it is so throughout the book ; 
he never states precisely which are his own conjectures, and what is the information 
obtained from natives. 

Even when the author deals with more concrete matters, such as *' the ten com- 
mandments " of the Bavili, the basis of their morals, he makes it exceedingly difficult 
to follow. He says the Bavili classify their sins into five sections, and after explaining 
the first, he thus describes the second : — 

" The second is found in the horror a native has (or had) of being photographed, 
and in the magic glass of Nganga Nyambi, who alone is allowed to look into it, to 
discover the successor of the defunct Maluango, made, as they say, in the image of God. 
This mirror-gazing is called Ku Sala Fumu." 

We may guess that this is connected with some tabu, but we certainly cannot know. 

Ndongoism. — The author makes a careful difference between what he is pleased 
to call Ndongoism and Nkiicism, and he objects to the commonly assumed idea that 
the worship of tutelary images is the religion of Africa. He thinks that it is of small 
importance whether his Ndongoism is religion or not. 

It is rather curious that after such a long stay among the West African natives, 
and after having so thoroughly studied their habits and manner of thinking, Mr. Dennett 
should not have found out that, in reality, no native worships the tutelary images, and 
that it is only the Nkici, which adheres to them, that enjoys this privilege. It is 
difficult for primitive people to imagine such an abstract thing as a power, which the 
Nkici is ; so they materialise it by giving it an abode in the wooden image or any 
object which forms a charm. This is not a speciality of African religion, for it is 
frequently found amongst Christian religions, especially the Roman Catholic and the 
Russian Orthodox Church ; the Mujik, who is not on a much higher scale of civilisa- 
tion than the West African negro, is unable to imagine divinity, if it is not presented 
to him in the form of a jewelled ikon. These images in all countries, after a certain 
time, get more important than the idea they represent, and it is for this reason that 

t 164 ] 



1907.] MAN. [Nos. 98-94. 

the image of Notre Dame de Lourdes is able to work miracles, which the Holy Virgin 
herself, in other places, cannot accomplish. 

The author objects with much reason to the general use of the word fetish, but 
it would have been much more useful if he had exactly fixed the meaning to be 
attributed to this word and had not replaced it by new words, which not only convey 
no meaning to anybody, but also have the disadvantage of only being used by very 
small numbers of the Bantu-speaking people. 

Mr. Dennett presents to us several fetishes by their names ; there cannot be the 
slightest doubt that these are exclusively local ; in any neighbouring tribe, or perhaps 
even in the next village, he could have found images or charms of identically the same 
forms, to which the same power is attributed, bearing quite a different name. 

As for the etymological deductions of the author, he has certainly good reasons 
for explaining words as he does, but these explanations certainly are not satisfactory, 
even for one who has a certain knowledge of African languages. One example of 
this will suffice. He explains that mania matali is connected with the ideas of moon 
and sun, because mania means the " cold " stone found in rivers and valleys, and he con- 
nects this with the idea of the moon because everything looks cool by the moonlight ; 
while matali means, he says, the metallic rocks heated by the sun, and thus stands 
for the idea of the sun. This translation of the word matali is inexact, for it simply 
means rocks — nothing but rocks, and no idea of sun and heat is connected with it. 

How he finds in the word mwici the stem of mbu is a riddle to me. 

If Mr. Dennett has no better reason than those given in his book, it is on a shaky 
basis that he builds up the fundamental law of the Bavili, as spoken by the Maluango 
(pp. 124-5). But we do not believe that this is the case, and suppose that he has 
failed to express himself with that clearness which is necessary for those who have 
not his experience, and who have not yet learned to think " black," as he certainly 
is able to do. It is to be hoped that Mr. Dennett will publish another work on this 
very interesting subject, in the writing of which we hope he will take into account 
his readers' deficiencies, and not judge them by his own capacity in following the 
negro's ideas. E. T. 



PROCEEDINGS OF SOCIETIES. 
Proceedings. British Association. 

Anthropology at the British Association^ Leicester Meeting ^ July 31 to Q J 
August 7, 1907. (Continued from Man, 1907, 87.) 3^ 

Archaeology. 
Professor Ridgeway, F.B.A. — The Beginnings of Iron, — Formerly it was 
generally believed that iron was the gift of Africa to mankind, and if not of Africa, 
most certainly of Asia. Modern research has shown that Egypt did not use iron 
until about B.C. 800, that the Libyans were not using it in B.C. 480, and that the 
Semitic peoples did not use it from a remote past, but borrowed it comparatively 
late. I urged in 1896 and in 1902 that Central Europe was the true centre of the 
use of iron as a metal, and that it was first diffused from Noricum. At Hallstatt 
iron was seen coming into use first to decorate bronze, then to form the edge of 
cutting implements ; next it gradually replaced bronze weapons, and finally took new 
forms of its own. Everywhere else iron as a metal came into use per saltum, Man 
probably found it ready smelted by nature, as the Eskimo discovered it at Regent's 
Bay and at Ovifak. Some still imagine that it was used very early in Egypt because 
its name occurs in early documents. But this is readily explained, since hematite 
was known and used very early in Egypt, and the same material was used very 
commonly in the ^gean long before the Bronze Age. But it was treated not as a 

[ 156 ] 



No. 94.] MAN. [1907. 

metal to be smelted, but as a stone to be ground into axes and beads. The Egyptians 
thus knew the mineral and had a name for it, which thej continued to employ when 
they had learned its use as a metal from Europe. Others also cling to the belief 
that iron was worked in Central Africa from a remote time. But in Uganda, which 
was in touch with Egypt by means of the great lakes and the Nile, iron, as I am 
informed by the Rev. J. Roscoe, became first known in the reign of a king about nineteen 
reigns back (about 500 or 400 years ago). This renders it very unlikely that tho 
metal was worked until very late in Central Africa. It is certain that the peoples 
beyond the Caspian as well as those along the Indian Ocean did not use iron till 
quite late, that India herself did not know it at an early date, and that Japan only 
got it about 700 a.d., yet some still imagine that it must have been known to the 
Chinese from remote antiquity. But the earliest mention of iron in Chinese literature 
is about B.C. 400, whilst a bronze sword belonging to Canon Greenwell has an inscription, 
read by Professor Giles, which dates it between B.C. 247 and 220 ; there is evidence 
that bronze swords were being used till a.d. 100, and that it was only then that iron 
swords were coming in. It is now clear that the use of iron as a metal is due to 
Central Europe. 

In the discussion which followed this paper, Professor Naville thought that a 
distinction must be made between the knowledge of iron and its general use. In 
Egypt, in the Old Empire, there were two or three cases of iron being found, but in 
the New Empire iron did not seem to have been commonly used. In the excavations 
of Deir-el-Bahari no iron tools were found. The general use of iron in Egypt could 
not be traced before the Greek time. 

Professor W. M. Flinders Petrie observed that the distinction between the sporadic 
and the general use of material must be kept in view. Flint was used for economic 
purposes down to the Roman Age in Egypt, although copper was known for 8,000 
years before. Bronze was known by 4800 B.C., yet did not come into use till 3,000 
years later. Iron was known for 4,000 years before it came into economic use. This 
sporadic use strongly supported Professor Ridgeway's view of the use of native iron, for 
had a process of reduction been invented, it was unlikely that it would have lagged 
for 4,000 years before its common use, whereas native iron might be occasionally 
discovered and worked by man discontinuously. 

Mr. Arthur Evans pointed out that the great obstacle in the way of Professor 
Ridgeway^s view as to diffusion of the use of iron from a Noric source was the com- 
paratively late date of the early Iron Age civilisation of the Hallstatt area. The 
cemeteries of Southern Bosnia showed an earlier phase, and those of the geometrical 
and sub-Minoan tombs of Greece and Crete a still earlier. No doubt the general 
adoption of iron in the -^gean countries corresponded with the break-up of the earlier 
Minoan and Myceufiean type of culture and the diffusion of an Italian and North- 
western sword type. But the translation of this type into iron probably effected 
itself in a Southern area. 

Professor R. C. Bosanquet observed that there was very little available evidence 
as to the Bronze Age in Macedonia and Epirus, and even in the northern provinces of 
the modern kingdom of Greece. It was, therefore, impossible to test the theory that 
the general use of iron had made its way into Greece from the north. He described 
recent finds of bronze spear-heads and axes with an iron spear-butt by peasants in the 
north-west of the Peloponnese in a tomb with late Mycemean vases. The presence of 
these axes there might be taken as evidence of trade with Italy, and the iron spear- 
butt, unknown elsewhere in the ^gean, might also prove of northern type. The 
tomb found at Muliana in Eastern Crete had furnished evidence of the transition from 
inhumation to cremation, from iron to bronze, the link between the two interments in 
it being the pottery which in both cases was definitelv late Minoan and not Geometric. 

r 166 ] 



1907.] MAN. [Wo. .94. 

Mr. W. Crooke remarked that the evidence for the age of iron in India had not 
apparently been fullj recognised. Excavations of South Indian interments showed 
iron objects side hj side with bronze vases and other objects, which were possibly 
Babylonian. Intercourse between Babylonia and South India had been traced histori- 
cally as early as 800 B.C., and probably existed from a much earlier period. Besides 
this, many jungle tribes manufactured iron by very primitive methods. At any rate, 
iron must have been in common use in the time of Xerxes, whose Indian mercenaries 
were armed with iron. The inference was that India might have been the scene of 
an early independent discovery of iron not derived from Europe or Babylonia. 

Professor J. L. Myres thought that Professor Ridgeway's argument, that the know- 
ledge of iron as useful metal spread from a centre in Noricum or its neighbourhood, 
stood in no logical relation to his assumption that the question of the early Iron Age 
in Europe was that of the first use of iron at all. For it happened not infrequently 
that materials which had long been known as curiosities in one area were, when 
transferred to another area, discovered to have new utility and widely disseminated 
thence. Not only did iron objects occur in Egypt and the JEge&n in earlier deposits 
than in Central Europe, but the forms of the early metal furnaces and the modes of 
smelting pointed to a well-defined duality in man's knowledge of iron. Egypt and 
the Mediterranean, with the " open-hearth " process, were restricted to a small output 
of iron, and used it as a rarity until the north, with its " blast-furnace " principle, 
produced iron in copious amount and of a quality more suitable for cutting-weapons. 

G. A. AuDEN, M.A., M.D. — Some Objects recently found in York referable to 
the Viking Period. — During the autumn of 1906 excavations for building purposes in 
the city of York, a few yards from the left bank of the Ouse, have revealed a number 
of objects which may with certainty be referred to the Viking period. 

Several objects were found which have not been previously reported in England, 
and amongst these the chief interest centres in a brass chape of a sword scabbard, 
exhibiting an open zoomorphic interlacing design terminating in a conventionalised 
animal head which attached the chape to the material of the scabbard. 

A consensus of opinion upon the objects attributes them to the first half of the 
tenth century — a period which saw the Scandinavian power in York rise to its zenith. 

Mrs. Mart Hobson. — An Account of some Souterrains in Ulster. — The souter- 
rains described are for the most part situated in the two counties of Antrim and Down. 
The materials are rough, undressed field stones, no mortar being used. The buildings 
display great diversity in plan. Greater variety of construction occurs in Antrim than 
in Down. In the former, two described were scooped out of basaltic ash ; in others, 
rocks in situ were used and filled in artificially ; in some tunnelling had been done in 
harder rock. The entrances are small, but the tiny doorways between one chamber 
and another are even of more diminutive dimensions. 

Tradition assigns the souterrains and the raths in which so many of them occur 
to the '* fairies," the " good people," the " Danes " — ^and by the latter is meant the 
Tuatha da Danaan, who are said to have lived in Ireland before the Celts. This race 
is always described as a small people. It seems impossible that any but a small people 
could have built and used the souterrains. 

R. M. Dawkins, M.A. — Excavations at Sparta in 1907. — The work of this 
second season comprised (1) the further excavation of the sanctuary of Artemis Orthia, 
(2) the partial excavation of the sanctuary of Athena Chalkioikos, and (3) the tracing 
of the course of the city wall. 

(1.) The buildings of the Orthia site are (1) a temple built probably in the sixth 
century B.C., and lasting on imtil the thbd century a.d., although rebuilt during the 
Hellenistic period. Secondly, a Roman theatre, built at the end of the second or 
beginning of the third centurv a.d., in which the facade of the temple was included, 

[ 167 ] 



Vo. 94.] MAN. [1907. 

occupjiug the position of the stage building. The Roman theatre has now been 
completelj cleared. In the arena or orchestral area were found the remains of the altar^ 
built at the same Roman period as the theatre itself. Beneath this altar were blocks 
that belonged to the altar of Hellenistic times, and in connection with them a deposit 
of burned refuse from sacrifices and some late Greek sherds and terra-cottas. 

The excavations show that the cult of Orthia began in the earliest times with a 
large altar. This altar was covered up when the temple corresponding to it was 
destroyed in the sixth century and a new temple built a little way off. In Hellenistic 
times this temple was rebuilt, but lasted on the same site until the end of paganism. 
Under the late empire it was surrounded by a theatre, from which the rites performed 
in front of it could be conveniently witnessed. The altar always was in the same 
place, which it occupied with ever-rising level for at least 1100 years. 

(2.) The sanctuary of Athena Chalkioikos was found behind the theatre on the 
Acropolis Hill. A mass of geometric pottery shows that this sanctuary also goes 
back to a very early period. The building itself was much destroyed, but the finds 
were important. A very fine Panathenaic amphora, bronze statuettes, and a large 
archaic inscription were found. 

(3.) The work of tracing the course of the ancient city wall was continued. This 
has again been done largely by the discovery of tiles stamped with the information 
that they were public tiles used for the walls. The name of the tyrant Nabis found 
on some of them connects the building of the wall with him. In a few places the 
actual wall has been found with remains of towers. 

In looking for the Agora some Hellenistic tombs were found, well built of ashlar, 
and containing vases and discs of stout gold-leaf chased with patterns of wreaths and 
flying birds. 

Professor R. C. Bosanqdet, M.A., F.S.A. — Artemis Orthia and the Scourging- 
Festival at Sparta, — The excavations of the British School at Sparta have shown that 
the altar in the precinct of Artemis Orthia beside the Eurotas occupied the same 
position for more than a thousand years. This was the altar before which the Spartan 
youths were scourged, and from it the youth who outdid all others took the title of 
BomonikeSy or Victor at the Altar. It has always been assumed that this custom, 
described in detail by Roman writers, was a survival from the days of Spartan 
independence, but an examination of the passages relating to the custom shows that 
it did not take shape until after the decline of the Laceda3monian State. 

(1.) In the fourth century B.C., when we have the first mention of whipping in 
connection with the sanctuary of Orthia, a rough game was played there in which the 
young Spartans had to snatch cheeses (no doubt the offerings at a festival) from the 
altar, while others armed with whips tried to beat them off. The element of passive 
endurance, so characteristic of the later ordeal, is entirely wanting. 

(2.) This game may have been developed out of a custom, for which there are 
many parallels, of the lads striking one another for luck with boughs cut from the 
sacred tree, the Agnus Castas, which grew in the river bed, and under which tlie 
image of the goddess had been discovered. 

(3.) In the latter part of the third and first half of the second centuries B.C. 
there was a complete break in Spartan traditions. Upon the restoration of the Spartan 
constitution under Roman protection, there was an artificial revival of the old discipline. 
Sparta no longer had an array, and the trauiing of the boys in manly virtues became 
an end in itself, pursued — as the inscriptions found at Sparta attest — in a curiously 
antiquarian spirit. 

(4.) From the first century B.C. onwards the scourging of the lads appears to 
have been a regular competitive examination. The winner was the lad who bore tlie 

[ 1^8 ] 



1907.] MAN. [No. 94. 

greatest namber of blows without sound or movement, and the emulation of the bojs 
and even of their parents led to protracted contests in which a competitor sometimes 
expired under the lash. 

(5.) The theatre recently excavated by the British School was built soon after 
200 A.D. round about the altar and temple to accommodate the visitors who flocked 
to the festival. It was maintained far into the fourth centurj. 

(6.) It follows that the cruel scourgings described by Cicero, Plutarch, and many 
other writers were a late perversion of the old Spartan discipline grafted on a traditional 
recollection of the rough game of running the gauntlet mentioned by Xenophon. A 
false idea of the antiquity of the custom has coloured the views of Roman and recent 
writers on the cult of Orthia. At Sparta, as elsewhere, Artemis seems to have been 
worshipped, on the one hand, as the goddess of fertility, therefore as protectress of 
women and children ; and on the other as mistress of mountains and woods and the 
wild life in them, and so as protectress of man, first in the chase and then also in war. 
The evidence of the archaic strata suggests intimate relations with Ionia, perhaps 
especially with Ephesus, where ivories of very similar character have been found. 

J. L. Mtres, M. a. — The Sigynnce of Herodotus : a Problem of the Early Iron 
Age, — Herodotus describes the Sigynnae as a people who live mainly north of the Ister 
(Danube), but extend nearly to the head of the Adriatic, " near the Veneti." They 
wear " Median dress," t.c, trousers, and drive (but do not ride) small shaggy ponies. 
The " Ligurians up country from Marseilles " apply the name " Sigynnae " to their 
pedlars, and the men of Cyprus to their spears. The last-named use of the word is 
confirmed by Aristotle, and by an ancient commentator on Plato, 384, who describes 
this Cypriote spear as a '* throwing-spear wholly made of iron." Such spears have 
been found in Cypriote sites of the Hellenic age. Their close resemblance to the 
Roman legionary pilum cannot be due to direct imitation, for the Cypriote examples 
are earlier than the period when Rome reached Cyprus. On the other hand, a very 
similar weapon, the gcesum (which Hesychius describes as a ^^ spear like a spit, wholly 
of iron," and which Athenseus states that the Romans borrowed later from the 
Celtiberians of Spain in the first half of the second century B.C.) became known to 
the Romans in the latter part of the third century B.C. through the invasion of the 
Po valley by the Transalpine Gcesata, The home of the latter was certainly within 
the region within which was developed the La T^ne phase of Early Iron Age culture ; 
and both the earlier La T^ne culture and the later Hallstatt phases which preceded 
it show great experimental freedom in the modelling of their spear-heads, and close 
approximation to the pilum type of weapon. 

In view, of the Herodotean description of " Sigynnae " as carrying on retail trade 
as far west as the hinterland of Marseilles, the suggestion is made that the Celtiberian 
prototype of the Roman grssum is itself a western ofishoot of the same iron culture 
as gave rise to the transalpine gasum. Copious iron workings have been studied 
by Quicquerez on the slopes of the Jura within sight of La T^ne and the other 
Swiss sites of that series ; and the name of the Sigynnae itself seems to survive 
in that of the Sequani^ who still occupied the Jura and its neighbourhood in the 
first century B.C. 

That sections of the Sigynnae moved similarly eastward is suggested by the 
recurrence of their name on the lower Danube and in Caucasus, in both cases associated 
with "Median dress" and with the same shaggy ponies. In Caucasus they inhabit 
a region characterised by a notable offshoot of the same ealy Iron Age culture as that 
of the Hallstatt region. Intermediate link is supplied (1) by the repetition of the 
name of the ^Eneti or Veneti in Homeric times in north-west Asia Minor ; (2) by the 
survival, in north-east Asia Minor, of a notable iron culture among folk whom the 
Greeks knew as Chalybes. 

[ 159 ] 



No. 94.] MAN. [1907. 

The suggestion is therefore made that Herodotus maj be right in recording the 
same name ^^ Sigjnnse " as applied to the similar ^^ throwing-spear wholly made of 
iron" which characterised the Iron Age culture of Cyprus in early Hellenic times, 
more particularly as Cyprus preserves also a peculiar type of iron sword and a group of 
types of fibulsB which only find parallel in the Italo-Hallstatt region. 

T. AsHBY, D.Litt., F.S.A. — The Work of the British School at Rome during 
the Session 1906-7. 

Professor J. Garstang. — Recent Explorations in North St^ria and Asia Minor. 
— The expedition visited Boghazkeni and Eouyuk, and obtained photographs of the 
sculptures, etc. Thence by Csesarea to the Cilician Gates and North Syria, discovering 
one Phrygian, some Hittite, and numerous Greek inscriptions. A large sculpture of 
an eagle standing on three lions was discovered on the banks of the Halys. 

C. G. Seligmann, M.D., and T. A. Joyce, M.A. — On Some New Types of 
Prehistoric Objects in British New Guinea, — All the specimens described are 
truly prehistoric, since the natives now living in the localities in which they were 
found cannot say who made them, and in some cases cannot even suggest for what 
purpose they were used. The most striking of these finds have been made by 
prospectors while sinking shafts, but a single piece of worked obsidian of moderate 
size has been picked up on the surface of the ground on Murua (Woodlarks) ; 
and on Goodenough Island a long knife-like flake, which bad been recently and 
quite roughly lashed to the ends of two wooden spears laid side by side and tied 
together at intervals was brought for trade. The most interesting obsidian implement 
is an axe or adze with a convex edge and a much-worked tang. The stone objects 
include a stone mortar weighing about 60 lb. and several heavy stone pestles. All 
of these were found by prospectors in the neighbourhood of Yoda Valley, in the 
northern division of the possession. The engraved shells and the most remarkable of 
• the pottery finds come from a site called Rainu, in Collingwood Bay. On cutting into 
a number of mounds for the purpose of levelling the site for a new village fragments of 
pottery and human bones with a few stone adze blades and engraved Conus shells 
were found. The adze blades are of the stone until recently used in the district, but, 
judging from the specimens we have handled, are on the whole lighter and less effective 
tools. The carving on the shells consists of spirals, rectangles, and leaf-like patterns ; 
on one shell there is a humam face, which as far as its technique is concerned, would 
easily pass as a piece of work from the Papuan Gulf. The pottery found on the Rainu 
site is superior in make and ornament to that in use at the present day in any part of 
British New Guinea. This part of the find includes club heads (" pineapple " and " emu 
egg " types), the necks of pottery vessels, which, from the narrowness of their mouths 
and the length of their necks, formed parts of vessels which must be called bottles, 
and a large number of fragments of pottery bowls, the rims of which are broadened 
into a flange and are often ornamented with impressed or incised patterns. Applied 
ornament and practicable handles have been added in some instances, though in most 
specimens the handles are so degenerate as to be ornamental rather than useful. - 

Professor W. M. F. Petrie. — Egyptian Soul Houses and Other Discoveries. 
[See Man, 1907, 71.] 

Professor E. Naville. — Excavations at Deir-el-Bahari. 

Professor E. Naville. — The Origin of Egyptian Civilisation. [Joum. Roy. 
Anthr. Inst., Vol. XXXVU., p. 201.] 

Report of the Committee appointed to conduct Explorations with the object of 
ascertaining the Age of Stone Circles, 

Report of the Committee to Explore the Lake Village at Glastonbury. 
Report of the Committee to Explore the ^^ Red Hills '^^ of the East Coast Salt 
Marshes. 

Printed by Etbe akd Spottiswoode, His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, R.C. 



1907.] MAN. INo. 96. 

ORIGINAL ARTICLES. 
Africa, East. With Plate L. Rosooe. 

Kibuka, the War Gk>d of the Bai^anda. By the Rev. J, Roscoe^ QC 
Local Correspondent of the Royal Anthropological Institute. ^^ 

The following account of the deity is the outcome of notes taken at yarious times 
from old people and priests during the past sixteen years' residence in Uganda. 

Kibuka and his brother Mukasa are the two principal gods of the Baganda ; 
their home was on one of the islands of the Lake Victoria. Legends and traditions 
which have accumulated for many generations have made them appear superhuman. 
Most people now believe Kibuka to be a spirit only ; but the fresh light thrown 
upon his history, together with the indisputable fact of his corporeal relics, to which 
I propose to call the reader's attention, prove the deity to have been a human being. 
Doubtless his prowess during the past, when the country was in a disturbed state, 
gave him the renown which later on led to his exaltation and deification. His cult 
extended to the tribes around Uganda ; and it is difficult at present to state whether 
Kibuka was first known by other tribes or by the Baganda ; but from the fact of the 
relics being preserved in Uganda it would appear that that country was his original 
home. The relationship between Kibuka and Mukasa, whether twins or born at 
different periods, still needs investigation, as also do their relationship to their so- 
called forefathers, Wanema and Wada, and to Bukulu, who is said to have come 
from the skies. The legend of Kibuka is as follows : — 

Kibuka and Mukasa were the sons of Wanema, who was the son of Musisi, and 
grandson of Bukulu and his wife Wada. Bukulu is said to have come from the great 
god Katonda who lives in the sky and to have settled upon the islands of the 
Victoria Nyanza ; there he begot three sons — Laba, Wanga, and Musisi. Musisi, the 
youngest son, had two children, Wamala and Wanema. Wauema's sons, Mukasa and 
Kibuka, have been the principal deities of the Baganda, and around them cling many 
mythological stories. 

In the reign of Nakibinge, who is the eleventh king in the list of the Baganda 
kings, the Banyoro were pressing hard upon the north-west borders of Uganda and 
the king besought Wanema for assistance ; Wanema consented to send Mukasa to 
help, but King Nakibinge asked for Mukasa's brother Kibuka. To this Wanema 
assented and Kibuka was sent ; when he arrived in Uganda the army was organised 
and taken to the seat of war and there Kibuka communicated his plans to the troops 
and gave his instructions for the battle. He then went up into a cloud and took up 
his position over the contending armies. When the battle commenced Kibuka hurled 
his weapons upon the Banyoro, and soon they were routed with heavy loss. The 
Baganda followed up their victory and took many captives, amongst them a woman 
who was brought into camp by some peasants. This was contrary to the instructions 
given by Wanema and Kibuka to the army ; they were expressly told not to bring 
captives into the camp lest the secret of Kibuka should be discovered. During the 
evening the men talked freely before their captive about the battle, and remarked 
that they could not have beaten the Banyoro without Kibuka's help. During the 
night when the peasants were asleep, the woman made good her escape, and returned 
to her own people, and told them who had been fighting for the Baganda, mentioning 
at the same time Kibuka's place of concealment. When taken before the Banyoro 
leader she said " that which kills us is from above." The following day the Banyoro 
determined to fight again, and also to be on their guard against Kibuka. When the 
battle began Kibuka came sailing over in his cloud, and threw spears upon the 
Banyoro, but one of the latter was ready for him and shot an arrow into the cloud 
which struck Kibuka in the chest and mortally wounded him. He flew away to 

[ 161 ] 



ITo. 96.] MAl^. [1907. 

Mbale in the district of Mawokota and alighted upon a tree and died there. The 
following morning two men, Nakandigira and Lwoma, discovered him by a mivule 
tree and he came to be acknowledged as a deitj (Lubare). 

Another storj runs thus : When Kibuka fled wounded he let his shield fall 
•and the Banjoro found it, and took it with them. However, they fell ill of a kind 
of plague and many of them died ; therefore, they sent it back to king Nakibinge,. 
who ordered it to be taken to Mbale and to be placed with the body. Nakibinge- 
•then sent word to Wanema, on the Island Bukasa, of the fate of Kibuka ; Wanema 
told the king to have the lower jawbone removed and put into a bag, and also to- 
have a stool made for it. With the jawbone was placed the umbilical cord, Kibuka's 
shield, bell, and knife ; a temple was built where these sacred objects were placed,, 
and he has since been the god of war of the Baganda. 

Another legend says that Nakibinge was also killed when Kibuka was killed^ 
and that his body was never found after the battle with the Banyoro. 

Another legend runs thus : Kibuka fled to Mbale, alighted upon a tree, and lay 
there all night ; the next morning the people saw him, and one of them climbed the- 
tree (Sezibugo), but Kibuka fell down from the tree and was killed. The people 
built a temple {kigwd) there and appointed four priests to minister in it to Kibuka ; 
their names are : — 

1. Nakatendigira, belonging to the sheep (^Ndiga) clan. 

2. Kituma, belonging to the sheep (^Ndigd) clan. 

3. Luwoma, belonging to the sheep (^Ndigd) clan. 

4. Buvi, belonging to the large flsh {Mamba) clan. 

The Temple of Kibuka and his Worship. 

The temple {kigwd) of Kibuka was situated in the district of Mawokota on the- 
south-west side of the capital of Uganda, and adjoins the large district of Budu. 
There, at a place, Mbala, near a large tree of the mivule kind, a wood which 
resembles mahogany, the temple has been kept up from the time of King Nakibinge,. 
•who lived over 300 years ago ; he is the eleventh king in the list of twenty-seven 
kings usually given by the Baganda. The temple, as all the temples have always 
been in Uganda, was a huge conical-shaped hut ; many of these temples were 80 feet 
high to the apex, and fully 100 feet in diameter. They are enclosed in tall fences 
made of reeds, and have only one entrance, which is always guarded. The temples 
are sacred, only the high priest (Mandwa) is allowed to enter them. Scented grass 
carpets the floor and a wall of reeds forms a second chamber in the temple, which 
is most sacred, and there the deity resides. When the priest enters the temple he- 
wears a special dress of barkcloth, and when he is the power of the deity he 
becomes frenzied and speakri in tones not his own, using many obsolete words, so 
that it is difficult even for his brother priests to understand what he is saying. One 
priest is the medium {Mandwa), and the others are ordinary priests {bakabond). 
These latter men listen to what the medium says, and they must repeat what he said 
after the frenzy is passed, because he may utter words of warning to himself during 
his frenzy, when the deity is said to be incarnate in him and to use him as his 
mouthpiece. 

Kibuka was always consulted by the kings when they wished to make war on 
the adjacent tribes, as well as for other matters ; for instance, when disease or any 
calamity threatened them. In the punitive expeditions the deity was represented by 
one or other of the priests, who carried fetiches from the temple. The priest always 
kept near the general of the army, and placed the fetiches near his hut when he. 
encamped. 

[ 162 ] 



1907.] MAN. 

Oiiljr the wealthier people could consult Kihuka on prh 
fees were too high for [he poorer classes, (fe reiiiiired a 
beer when the person eetjuired of him, mid 
another fee when the hoou asked for had bet^ii 
conferred. 

When the i-ivil warn broke out in LV>ii"l'> 
in 1887-90 the Uohamniedaii ]iopnlalion, having' 
gninuil the ueiceiidencf for a time, tried l'> 
dCBtroy the old templefi nud other luBtorii.-sl 
places. The temple of Kihuka was burned 
down, and the deity was supposed to have bei'ii 
burned too. After months of careful search it 
was discovered that Kibuka hail lieen bnried 
hy one of his priests, and in this way tlii.> 
relies were preserved. It was difficult to indni'e 
the man In part with the god, personnl feiii', 
as well as the dread of being discovered sellini; 
what was still looked upon hy many as a real 
deity, made Lim hesitate. Upm being assnied 
that no indignity would ever liappen to ilie 
deity, that he wonld I<e housed, and would bv 
kept in safety, and hIko thut no one should 
ever know who it was who had parted wirU 
the god, the man began to conshler the quo- 
lion ; bo was very mufh pi-essed by debt. iiLid 
nt length, after naming what seemed to him a 
gr£iat sum, lie conBentt-d to come to tenna, lie 
stipulated that the deity should not he examini'd 
in the country, that the l>earer of bim should 
not come to the Capital by the direct road, but 
ronndnbont wav, trnvi 





purchase fully jnslilicil 



c attention of iho people. The 
' Koil ill harkcloths and mats to 
look like the usual bundle of a 
nmn on a journey ; he took b 
•■ircnitons route, spent a inoutli 
i>n the journey, and arrived at 
the Capital lute one night. The 
bearer seemed afraid, and fled 
ilirectly he hod deposited (he 
liuiidle. rei^ueftiiig it oii^hl not 
be opened, and that Kibuka 
might be taken out of (he 
rountry as soon as possible. His 
reijuest was complied with, and 
ihe bundle contaiiiiug Kibnka's 

Knglimd and deposited in the 
Ethiiolofiical Museum at Cam- 
bridge. There the bundle wait 
1907. when the result at the 
*t. The ■.•onlonis of rho bundle 



No. 93.] 



MAN. 



U907. 



are as follows : — A leopard skin, a MtooJ witL a hollowed seal (coulaiiiiDg the personal 
relicts of Kihiika, lo be described laier on) tlio twin* {mulango), kuife, and two Bhields ; 
tlie leofutnl ekiu forms the mat upon which ihc other articles stand. The leopard being 
■ roytil uuimal, rogetber with the lion, llie i^kiii is nsed as being the most i^Hitnbie for 
the deity to rest upon. The smiiller of the two shields is 10^ iuchea long and 
7 inehes wide; it haj>agmall ho»^ in the centre. Both shields are of the usual kitid 
used by the Itugundii, made of wood riiiniiu^ to a, point (op and t>otti>iii ; on the face 

cane, siilched on lo the wood. 

r shield is It^ inithef long and 

!) inchest wide ; it has two boHseit 

on the face in the centre, and, in 

iidditiun to the plaited work of 

cane, it has a row of cowrie 

TthelU mulling round the edge, 

and a ring encircling the two 

l>o.4sett, and two lines of cowrie 

shells which niti dingonatly from 

the centre lo the outer edge. 

Til llie centre of the large shield 

an iiun hell is attached, it is 

2 inches long and 2 inches in 

diameter with an iron ring to 

he ttell is made of a Hat piece of iron 

t the upper end two holes are punched. 

The kuife is aliKi of iron, 9 inches long 

ng down the centre; on either side 

of a chisel, for decorative 

13| inches long 




Buspend it, to which the longiio is attached. 

bent over, and the sides are weldeil tngetlier 

through which the ring for the tongue nini: 

and 2} inches wide : it has a rili or ridge 

of the rib are markings, apiiiirently done with lli 

purposea. The wooden handle is i\ inches long, and the ki 

in all. 

The twin {mvhmgo), as it i^ called, 
deaorai«d with cowrie shells and the o! 
beads arc pale blue, hnt one or two of ii| 
strap tor carrying 
it. The so-called 
twin has plwycii 
an important piii i 
in Bnganda cii.~ 
toms from liic 
earliest t i ni c s . 
Tiiere are 
moniei' pcrfo 
at birrb in 
nee lion with 
and all through 

twin {mulongo) in, as I have said, a bit of the ue 
to the newly-lmru child ; when it drops off it is ' 
l>ecn rubljed with butter. This cord seems to l>e 



« egg-shaped ; it is enunseil in leather which ia 
I kind of glass bead.'t 




• The Mulongo. The Bagamla bdjcvc 
tUiak that the after-birth is a sccouil cliil 
jn ooanection with the living child In onler 
coid which remains atlachoil to the child 



to retain bis twin {mulonffo). T 
ibilical cord which remains nllached \ 
trapped ap in barkcloth after haviug 
:o the after1>irtb what the lower jaw- i 

Ihnt each child is Imrn with its '' double," that i«, IhEj I 
d, atul that it but a f\\aA which needs 10 Iw retalntd 

1^ keo|i It. hDAlthj. Kor this reason the bit nf ambilical | 
ut birth is rclaineil wht-n it [aIIh ; this is ]>reserruil ami 

[ i64 ] 



1907.] MAN. [No. 95. 

4 

bone is to the person to whom it belonged ; that is, the ghost of the person attaches 
itself to the jawbone after death, and the ghost of the afterbirth attaches itself to the 
bit of cord. Every person is born with a double, viz., the afterbirth which has its 
ghost, and the umbilical cord in some way connects the ghost of the afterbirth with the 
living child. The afterbirth is wrapped up in plantain leaves and buried at the root of 
a plantain tree by the child's mother. If the child be a boy the tree chosen is the kind 
of which the fruit is used for making beer ; if a girl the tree is the plantain and must 
be one of the kind of which the fruit is eaten. The afterbirth is buried at the root of 
the tree and protected against wild beasts, and from that time the tree is sacred until 
the fruit has ripened and been used. Only the father's mother may come near it and 
dig about it ; a rope made from plantain fibre is tied from tree to tree to encircle the 
sacred one, and forms a barrier to keep anyone from approaching it. All the secretions 
from the child are thrown at the root of the tree by the mother ; when the fruit is ripe 
the father's mother cuts it and makes it into beer or cooks it, according to the sex of 
the child. The relatives of the father's clan then come and partake of the sacred feast. 
After the meal the father must go in to his wife, for should he neglect to do so, and 
should some other member of the clan have sexual relations with his own wife first, the 
child's spirit will leave it and go into the other woman. The naming of a child among 
the Baganda is a ceremony for legalising the child, that is of proving if it is really the 
child of the woman's husband. At the ceremonv the bit of umbilical cord Tthe so-called 
twin) is brought out and dropped into a bowl containing a mixture of beer, milk, and 
water ; if the cord floats the child is legitimate and the clan accept it as a member ; 
should the cord sink the child is disowned by the clan and the woman is punished for 
adultery. The cord is eitber preserved by the clan or buried at the roots of the plantain 
tree with the afterbirth. 

In the case of princes the cord is carefully preserved, and the fortunate prince 
who becomes king has the cord decorated and made into a twin (mulongo) as described 
above. This is handed to the Kimbugwe's care, who is one of the most important 
chiefs in the country. Each month, directly after the new moon appears, the Kimbugwe 
has to bring the " twin " and carry it wrapped in barkcloths to the king, who holds 
it for a moment or two and then hands it back to the Kimbugwe. It is carried in state 
to the Kimbugwe's enclosure, drums are beaten in the procession, and the twm is 
honoured as a king. When it is returned to its house it is not put inside, but is placed 
by the door and guarded all night ; next morning Kimbugwe comes and rubs butter 
on it and restores it to its usual place inside the temple or hut. When the king dies 
his lower jawbone is removed, and, after a lengthy ceremony of cleansing and purifi- 
cation, it is stitched up in a leather case, decorated with cowrie shells, and placed 
on a stool. The ghost of the king attaches itself to the jawbone, whilst the ghost of 
the afterbirth requires the umbilical cord ; these two must always be kept together to 
fulfil the requirements of the ghosts after the death of the king. 

We now turn to Kibuka's stool and to the deity himself. The stool is 9 inches 
high, and the base is 12 inches in diameter ; instead of a seat there is a basin 8 inches 
in diameter and 4 inches deep ; on this basin the relics were placed. The whole stool 
is carved out of solid wood. The supports of the basin (the legs of the stool) consist 
of four quadrangular pillars. A bag in which the relics are kept is made of goatskin^ 
taken whole from the animal, and dressed with the hair on it. The actual relics of 
Kibuka comprise, first, a lower jawbone which is stitched in a leather case, drawn 
tightly over the bone, and showuig the shape of it. On the upper side the case is 
decorated with cowrie shells and copper beads ; there are twelve rows of shells and 
beads ; apparently no order is followed in the decorations, for while in some places 
there are two shells and a bead, in others the shells and beads are alternated. With 
the jawbone are two smaller leathern cases containing the genital organs ; each 

[ 165 ] 



Ho8. 95-97.] 



MAN. 



[1907. 



case is decorated with shells and heads. The hag in which these are placed is tied with 
string made from the fibre of aloes, and placed in the basin on the stool. Round the 
side of the basin barkcloth is wrapped and secured by six rows of cowrie shells ; this 
barkcloth forms a cover to the leather bag ; it runs to a peak and is fastened with 
string. The whole stool with its contents stands 22 inches high. J. ROSCOE. 

Folklore. Prazer. 

Not to se«the a Kid in ito iMother's iMilic By J. G. Frazer. Q0 

In a vohnne of Anthropological Essays recently published by pupils and uU 
admirers of Professor E. B. Tylor, I proposed an explanation of the above rule based 
on the existing objection of African tribes to boil the milk of their cattle. The 
explanation was suggested by information verbally given to me by my friend the 
Rev. J. Roscoe as to the theory and practice of Central African tribes in regard to 
milk, and it was confirmed by evidence which I htul extracted long ago from older 
works on Africa, particularly the books of Th. Winterbottom and the explorer 
J. A. Grant. I thought that the explanation was novel, but since publishing it I 
find that I have been anticipated by my friend, M. Marcel Mauss, who had briefly 
but clearly given the same explanation in a review of two recent books on the Masai 
by Messrs. Merker and Ilollis {L'Annee Sociologique, IX. (1906), p. 190). Thus if 
our explanation of the rule deserves to rank as a discovery, the priority of the 
discovery certainly belongs not to me but to M. Mauss. This is the second time of 
late that views of mine, which I supposed to be novel, have been anticipated by my 
French friend and fellow-worker. While on my side these anticipations only serve to 
raise my opinion of M. MaussV learning and acumen, I am happy to know that on his 
side they make no difference in his friendly relations to me. I am sending a similar 
communication to The Afhenceum, and I propose to insert a note to the same effect 
in the printed report of a paper which I had lately the honour of rejuling to the 
Academic des Inscriptions et Belles-Lcttres at Paris. J. G. FRAZER. 



Australia. Mathews. 

Note on the Sooial Orfi^anisation of the Turrubui and acUacent Q1 
Tribes. By II, //. Mafheics, %3I 

In an article contributed to the Royal Society of New South Wales in June 1898, 

dealing with various tribes in the Australian States, I made a short reference to the 

Kittabool tribe, occupying the country on the head waters of the Clarence and 

Richmond rivers in New South Wales, and extending over the dividing range to the 

sources of the Logan river in Queensland.* On the present occasion I desire to 

rej>ort that the same organisation was in fortie among the Turrubui tribe, whose coimtry 

reached from the Logan river to Moreton Bay and Pine river, including Beenleigh, 

Ipswich, Brisbane, and other places. The following is a copy of the table published 

in 1898, with the addition of the names of the cycles or phratries, Deeajee and 

Karpeun. The feminines of each of the section names has the suffix gun, which 1 

have omitted : — 

Table I. 



Cycle. 



Wipe. 



Husband. 



Karpeun 
Dccajeo - 



SBarrang 
Banjoor 
r Terwain 
). Bunda 



Torwaiii 
Bunda 
Barraiij; 
Banj<x>r 



Offspring. 

Banjoor. 
Barrang. 
Bunda. 
TtTvvaiii. 



• Journ,Roy. St»c, X.S, Wale*y Vol. XXX 11., p. 82. 

[ 166 ] 



1907.] MAN. [No. 97. 

Descent is alwajs reckoned on the female side, the children taking the cycle and 
totem of their mother ; they do not, however, helong to their mother's section, because 
the women of a cycle reproduce each other from generation to generation. Taking 
Terwain, the first man in the " Husband " column, we observe that he marries Barrang 
as his usual or No. 1 wife ; or he takes Banjoor of a certain lineage, as his No. 2 wife ; 
or he mates with Terwain as No. 3 ; or with Bunda as his No. 4. wife. The section 
name and the cycle of the man Terwain's children would depend altogether upon the 
name of their mother's division, quite irrespective of their father's name. 

Dr. A. W. Howitt, in speaking of the Chepara tribe, says, " They had no social 
*' organisation in classes (sections), the regulation of marriage being by locality, and 
** descent of name in the male line. ... It was apparently the same with the Turrubul 
^ tribe on the Pine river, near Brisbane, whose country overlapped that claimed by 
*' the Chepara."* 

The result of my personal investigations among the Kittabool tribe, whose 
organisation is the same as the Turrubul, is diametrically opposite to Dr. Howitt's 
statements. In November 1898, when reporting the sociology of the Dippil nation, 
which included the Turrubul amongst other tribes, I showed that the Turrubul were 
divided into sections (classes) and that descent was in the female line.f 

I am supported in my conclusions by Rev. W. Ridley, who reported in 1855 : 
" The family or clan names at Moreton Bay (Brisbane) are Bandur, Bunda, Barang, 
" and Derwain. . . . Every aboriginal native of Moreton Bay bears one of these 
*' names." J Mr. Ridley again mentions these four sections in 1866 as existing among 
the Turrubul tribe on the Brisbane river. § 

Mr. Thomas Petrie also confirms my statements as to the sociology of the Turrubul 
tribe. In his Reminiscences ^ p. 202, he says : " Banjur was a class name of the 
" Turrubul tribe." He also mentions Turrwan, which is apparently a variation of 
Mr. Ridley's Derwain and my Terwain. Mr. Petrie, at p. 141, states that Moreton 
Bay was the name by which Brisbane was known in the early days. Therefore when 
Mr. Ridley says " Moreton Bay " he means Brisbane and surrounding district. 

Then, aga|n, Mr. Ridley confirms my observations regarding marriage and descent 
in the Turrubul tribe. || He says : " At Moreton Bay (Brisbane) the wife of Derwain 
" is Derwain." This is my " No. 3 " marriage above described. " The son of a Bandur 
*' is Derwain." This is the case where Bandur marries a Bunda woman, my " No. 1 " 
or tabular wife. " The son of a Barang also is Derwain." This is when a Barang 
man marries Bunda, my " No. 2." " Sometimes the son of a Derwain is Bunda." 
This is where a Derwain marries a Derwain, another example of my " No. 3 " wife. 
*' Sometimes the son of a Derwain is called Barang." In this case a Derwain man 
marries Bandiir, which is another example of my '' No. 2 " wife. Mr. Ridley also 
observed the section name Balkoin, which is used in some parts of the country in lieu 
of Bandur (my Banjoor). 

In speaking of the Kaiabara tribe at the Blackall or Bunya-Bunya ranges 
Dr. Howitt asserts that " descent is in the male line." He also says : " While there 
** is male descent in the classes and sub-classes, it is in the female line in the totems."T 
Such a confused and heterogeneous jumble of descent has never been found anywhere 

• Xatire Trihen of South-East Australm^ pp. 136-137; Dr. Howitt's map of the habitat of the 
Turrubul tribe is not correct. 

t Proc. Amer, Philos. Soc, Philadelphia, Vol. XXXVII., pp. 328-330, with table of inter- 
marrying divisions and map. 

I Journey of a Missionary Tour^ reprinted in G. S. Lang's Aborigines of Australia (Melbourne, 
1865), p. 436. 

§ Kamilaroi^ Dippil^ and Turrubul (Sydney, 1866), p. 73. 

II Op. cit., p. 38: 

^ Native Tnbes of Siruth-East Australia, pp. 229-230, 

[ 167 ] 



Nob. 97-98.] 



MAN. 



[1907. 



by me, nor have I ever seen it reported by any other author. On the same pa^e he 
reports the carpet snake totem as belonging to both Balkoin (Banjoor) and Barrang, 
but remarks that it " suggests an inaccuracy." There is no inacciu*acy, however, 
for it is exactly in accord with my investigations, because the two sections, Balkoin 
(Banjoor) and Barrang belong to the same cycle or phatry. See Table I. of this 
article. 

On p. 231 of his book Dr. Howitt thus refers to a number of tables of descent 
said to have been received by him from Mr. H. E. Aldridge, but which are not 
published: "These (tables) differed considerably amongst themselves in the arrange- 
" ment of the sub-classes (sections), and in the marriages and descents ; so much so 
" that the correctness of some of them seemed doubtful." 

Years ago I corresponded with Mr. H. £. Aldridge and found that he sometimes 
arranged the pair of sections forming a cycle in one way and sometimes in another. 
I accordingly met him by appointment and found that what I have distinguished as 
Nos. 2, 3 and 4 wives had puzzled him when getting examples among the natives 
and made his tables seem contradictory. 

At page 269 of his book Dr. Howitt refers to the Kumbainggeri tribe on the 
Bellinger river, New South Wales, and after stating their four intermarrying divisions^ 
says : ** It is not possible to say how these foiu- sub-classes are placed in pairs, 
" without which knowledge it cannot be said whether descent is in the male or the 
" female line." 

In an article published in 1897,* I said the Kumbainggeri sociology was the same 
in principle as the Kamilaroi, and gave a table of the intermarriages of the four 
sections, with lists of totems. I also showed the equivalence of the sections to those 
of the Kamilaroi. In 1900 I republished that table.f In the tables referred to, of 
which the following is a copy, I showed how certain pairs of sections formed two 
phratries or cycles. I also stated that whether a woman of the Womboiing section 
married Kurpoong or Marroong her progeny was always Wirroong. 

Table II. 



Phratry or 
Cycle. 



Wife. 



Husband. 



Offspring. 



A 
B 



(\ Womboong 
(' Wirroong 
/-I Kurpoong 
V Marroong 



Kurpoong 
Marroong 
Womboong 
Wirroong 



Wirroong. 
Womboong. 
Marroong. 
Kurpo()ng. 



I have placed the " Wife " column first and the " Husband " column in the 
middle, and have omitted the feminine forms of the section-names. In other respects 
the table is identical with those published in 1898 and 1900. The sections have 
j)erpetual succession through the women in a prescribed order and so have the cycles. 
The descent of the totems is also maternal. R. H. MATHEWS. 



Opaniology . Duckworth . 

Note on a Cranium ftom Bartlow, Cambs. By W. L. II, Duckworth^ Qll 
M.D.. Sc.D. uO 

During the excavation of a lake on the property of the Rev. C. Brocklebank, M.A., 
and close to the great tumuli at Bartlow, a human cranium was discovered in the 
winter of 1904-1905. The specimen was sent to the University Anatomical School 

♦ Journ. Hoy. Sfc, y.S. Walei, Vol. XXXI., pp. 169, 170. 
t Queerufland Geographical Journal, Vol. XVI., p. 41. 

168 ] 



r 



1907.] MAN. [Nob. 98-99, 

for examination, and the following notes give the results of a brief investigation of 
its characteristics. 

The cranium seems to be that of an adult female. Only the cranial bones remain, 
the face having been destroyed. The mastoid processes are small, and the occiput 
has the " renflement " so characteristic of many female skulls. In proportions the skull 
is mesatieephalic, with a breadth index of 77*6. The maximum length is 183 mm., 
and the maximum breadth 142 mm., while the circumference is 518 mm. The 
auricular height is 115 mm., and from this and the dimensions of length and breadth 
an approximation to the cubical contents was obtained, the value being about 1,420 cc» 
This somewhat small figure is again suggestive of the female sex. 

Near the skull, bones of domestic animals, such as oxen, were found. The 
skull is most probably that of a Romano-British inhabitant of East Anglia. It 
may have been contemporaneous with the great tumuli, and it is even possible that 
the individual was sacrificed at the time the latter were raised, but this is mere 
surmise, without any supporting evidence. From its position, close to a rivulet 
which was being enlarged to form the artificial water-way alluded to above, it seems 
unlikely that a separate tumulus ever existed at this spot. Failure to find any 
other portions of the skeleton is noteworthy. 

The specimen has been added to the University Collection. 

Measuremejits, 
Maximum length - - 183 Auricular height - - 115 

Maximum breadth - - 142 Cephalic index - - 77*6 

Horizontal circumference - 518 

W. L. H. DUCKWORTH. 



REVIEWS. 

India. Crooke. 

Natives of Northern India (^Native Races of the British Empire Series). By QQ 
W. Crooke, B.A. London : Constable, 1907. Pp. xiv + 270. 23 X 14 cm. UU 
Price 6«. net. 

Few parts of the world are more interesting to the ethnologist than Northern 
India. Here have met representatives of the three great divisions of mankind — the 
white, the yellow, and the black. The intermingling of Aryans, Mongols, and 
Dravidians has produced a racial complex often exceedingly difiicult to elucidate" and 
classify. No one is probably better qualified to undertake such a task than the author 
of this book,' well known for his elaborate work on The Tribes and Castes of the 
North- West Provinces and Oudhj and his Introduction to the Popular Religion and 
Folklore of Northern India, 

Mr. Crooke, out of the wide and deep store of knowledge gained during a long 
official residence in India, has given a most interesting and masterly account of the 
native races of that region to which the name Hindostan is more properly applied. 

In an introductory description of the country the effect of its varied character 
on the different peoples is strikingly brought out, and their ruthless struggle with 
Nature pictured in a few pregnant sentences : " There is no region in the world where 
" the inhabitants live under more diverse conditions, and where they have been more 
" directly infiuenced by their environment than in Northern India." 

Whilst admitting that over the greater part of Northern India there is an 
extraordinary mixture of races, ^' the present population representing the ilotsam and 
" jetsam collected from many streams of ethnical movement," three leading types are 
recognised, which remain distinct only on the very outskirts of the region, viz. : 
(1) The Indo- Aryans, best represented by the Brahmans of Kashmir. (2) The 
Dravidians, represented by the Gonds, Oraons, and other tribes of the Vindhyan 

[ 169 ] 



ITo. 99.] MAN. 1^907. 

mountains. Both these are dolichocephalic, a feature which distinguishes them from 
(3) the Mongoloid, which is distinctly short-headed. The Lepchas of Nepaul and 
Sikhim are examples of this type. The origin of these three types is then discussed. 
The southern origin of the Dravidians is favoured, the Dravidian-speaking Brahui of 
Baluchistan being accounted for by an upward migration. The Mongols, no doubt, 
entered to the east of the Himalayas by the valleys of the Brahmaputra and Irawaddy, 
for it is only on this side of Northern India, in Bengal, Assam, and Burma, that 
Mongolian influence has been considerable. The interesting fact is pointed out that 
this Mongolian influence accounts for the broad head of the Bengali, thus throwing 
doubt on the old views that the Bengali and Englishmen were near relatives, and 
affording one more illustration that language must not be relied on as a test of race. 
The whites — the so-called Aryans, unfortunate and ill-omened term ! — entered from the 
west, for it is in the north and north-west Punjaub that they are most distinctly 
recognised. Mr. Risley's theory that the entrance was by way of Baluchistan rather 
than further north through the Khyber is quoted and criticised. 

The hill tribes are described at some length. First those of the northern hills. 
An interesting account is given of the mongoloid tribes of Assam and its borderland. 
Of these the Nagas attract most attention, remarkable for a combination of savagery 
and culture, for their elal>orate laws regulating the genua or taboo, and for their social 
unit not being the village, but the Khal or Sept, an exoganious group of brethren by 
blood, at war with the rest of the world. 

Passing to the Western Himalayas ; in the great valley of Kashmir is a 
remarkable mixture of races. To the north, in the upper valley of the Indus, are the 
Dards, of Aryan stock, holding the cow in abhorrence, abstaining from milk and butter, 
and even from using cow-dung as fuel. Further inland are races of Indo-Thibetau 
type like the nomadic Champas, the Ladakhis, and Baltis. In the inner ring of hills 
the Indo- Aryan element predominates ; the Brahmans and Rajputs at the top, the DQms 
at the bottom. The Khasiyas of Kuman, tlie Gurkhas of Nepaul, whose disregard of 
caste restrictions tends to make them such good soldiers in our Indian army, the 
Pathans of the north-west frontier are passed in review. The last-mentioned may 
be said to exemplify on the west the savagery exhibited by the Mongolian Nagas 
on the east. 

The tribes of the Southern Hills, stretching from the Gulf of Cambay across to the 
Bengal Delta, owe their less savage condition to some extent to the easier accessibility 
of these ranges, and the varied character of their mode of life and religion to the 
different degree to which they have been influenced by the Hindu races of the Ganges 
valley and Rajputana. Passing from east to west we find the Kolis ; the Bhils with 
their primitive beehive huts and gross animism, yet having an efficient tribal organisa- 
tion ; the Gonds, the only Dra vidian race in Northern India, which founded kingdoms and 
established a polity of its own ; the Oraons, earliest settlers on the plateau of Chota Nag- 
pur, pure-blooded Dravidians, speaking an almost pnre Dravidian dialect, with marriage 
of a most primitive character ; the Paharias, inhabiting the Rajmahal Hills jutting out 
on to the Ganges, the wildest and most backward of the Bengal aborigines. True 
children of the hills, they refused the offer of the British Government to cultivate an 
unoccupied tract of land within the range known as Daman-i-Koh, on the skirt of the 
hills, which was accordingly handed over to the Santals, more enterprisnig, pure 
Dravidians, whose remarkable and curious history, told in a few graphic pages, must 
appeal to every one who desires to see our Indian rule animated l)y justice and sympathy. 

As might be expected from the author of The Tribes and Castes of the North- 

fFest Provinces J the subject of caste is dealt with at some length. Two chapters are 

devoted to it. They are, perhaps, the most interesting and informing portion of the 

book. Whilst apparently regarding the question of the origin as an unanswerable one, 

r 170 ] 



«( 
a 



1907.] MAN. [No. 99. 

Mr. Crooke is very definite in regard to its antiquity. Rejecting the Brahman belief in 
its originating in a far, distant, unknown, nebulous past, he puts its beginning about 
600 B.C., and it was then only in the forming. The differences between tribe and caste 
Are succinctly summarised, and, though not going so far as Mr. Nesfield, the point is 
emphasised that caste is indicative of function, of following, of occupation, and, moreover, 
is not immutable, but has undergone much modification and reconstruction. An account 
of the Rajputs and Jats is then given, illustrative of what may be called tribal castes, 
and of the Brahman s and Doms, functional castes, of which the last-named tribes form the 
highest and lowest term respectively ; between these two extremes comes the great mass 
of the population of the plains forming the agricultural, commercial, and industrial 
castes. The task is then attempted of arranging or classifying these castes in some order, 
and in so doing much interesting and valuable information is given of the varied life of 
the dense population of Northern India. We are further assisted in gaining an insight 
into Hindu life by a vivid account of the village and its industries. The blacksmith, 
<5arpenter, potter, weaver, all pass before us, a few passages by the sympathetic and 
acute observer giving a life-like picture of the native at work. The keen struggle for 
existence of the teeming millions is brought home to us, especially in relation to the 
cultivation of the soil. Here is a picture of the life of the agriculturist : " You may 
watch him in the working season as he starts at sunrise, with his plough over his 
shoulder and driving his pair of lean oxen before him. If work be pressing he and 
" his hired men pass the day in the fields, eating at noon the simple meal which one of 
*' his little girls brings to him from the house. After a siesta in the shade and a pipe 
" he resumes his work, and returns in the evening, the * time of the cow's dust,' as he 
" calls it, when the cattle come home from pasture, and the air is thick with the dust 
" which they raise in the narrow field-paths. If work be light he dines at home, bathes 
*' at the village well, and enjoys the luxury of doing nothing, which no one in the 
" world loves so well. Then the day closes with a smoke and a chat at the village 
" rest-house. Stretched on a mat or crazy cot he sleeps the sleep of fatigue, heedless 
*' of the howls of the jackals on the outskirts of the village, answered by the pack of 
" pariah curs which support themselves on rubbish and carrion. The care of his fields 
'* is ever on his mind. The amount of rain and the periods at which it falls may suit 
*' one crop and ruin another. . . . It is a dull, monotonous life. . . . But hard 
" as his lot often is, he is quite content if he can escape the greater evils, famine and 
*' pestilence ; if he has means to marry his children and perform the death rites for his 
" relations according to the usages of his caste. At other times he is satisfied to stroll 
" round his fields and watch the springing or the ripening crops, and the great white 
*' oxen chewing the cud at the stall." 

We are then introduced to the life and occupations of the women — the woman 
working on the land, spinning cotton, husking and grinding corn. " Women start flour- 
" grinding in the last watch of the night, and, riding through a village in the grey 
" dawn, you will hear the creaking of the querns and the low, sad song of the women." 
The brighter side is shown in the meetings at the mill, the pleasanter work in the 
opium field, the collecting of the fleshy corollas of the remarkable Mohwa tree, the 
fetching water from the well. " The little children cling to their mothers' skirts as 
" they go for water, and dabble their tiny feet in the water as the matrons fill their 
" jars." The whole account is characterised by the light touch of the artist combined 
with the keen insight of the scientific observer, a combination as rare as it is valuable. 
One's only regret is that there is not more of it. 

The chapter devoted to " Child Life " is illuminating, thought-compelling. As 
a study of the child in relation to its environment there is food for thought in regard 
to the child problem much nearer home. The lack of reticence so characteristic of 
the Indian peasant's life, the early precocity of the child owing to the crowded state 

[ 171 ] 



Wo. 99.] MAN. . [1907. 

in which the people live, apply in a greater or lesser degree to the least fortunate 
part of the population of every crowded part of the most civilised community. The 
early inoculation of the child in all the intricacies of caste and tahoo helps to explain 
the hold these institutions have over the population generally, and also the sedateness, 
ease of manner, and old-fashioned mode of thought and speech which Miss Sorabji 
has so well described in her studies of Indian children. Yet India, like all other 
countries, shows us that the child's mind is the same all the world over. The hoys 
play the games of tipcat and prisoner's base, and blind man's bulF is a favourite with 
little children. Jumping and hopscotch are among the amusements of little Punjabi 
boys, " while mere babies make mud pies, build houses with potsherds, or tease puppies 
" quite like civilised children." Among toys tops are most popular, the pegtop, 
humming top, and teetotum being the favourites. The little girls are less fortunate, 
for early marriage puts an end to games. They have their dolls, however, but 
the life of the doll has a tragic end. It is taken to the river bank, thrown into the 
stream, and as it floats away is beaten with rods by the village lads. This curious 
custom is supposed to have some connection with serpent worship. 

The rites attending birth, marriage, and death are described, and how they are 
intended to counteract taboo explained. That fundamental fact in the Hindu faith, the 
belief in metempsychosis, crops up on every hand, and the profound influence it exerts 
on the whole life of the Indian becomes only too apparent. One of its most curious 
bye influences is seen in the burial instead of cremation of children, usually under 
the threshold, so that their souls may remain on earth to be reincarnated in the 
household. Old survivals are seen in the existence of matriarchv in some tribes, and 
the exposure of the corpse on a platform by the Nagas of Assam, from which the 
bones are subsequently removed and stored in an ossuary. 

Under the head of " Popular Religion and Belief" is given an able exposition of 
animism, the basis of the popular beliefs of the North Indian peasant, who regards the 
world around him as peopled with spirits controlling all the conditions of his life. 
Those which are evil affect him more than those which are good, lie is consequently 
much more concerned in propitiating the former than in worshipping the latter. How 
such a belief is fostered by the environment of the hillmen, by the mysteries of the 
jungle, and the want of any clear dividing line between man and animals is brought 
out with admirable force. The last point leads to animal worshi]), arising out of the 
utility or fear of the animal or the pos.session by it of peculiar characteristics such as 
those of snakes. This suggests toteniisni, but "it is difficult to say where animal 
worship of this kind ends and totemism begins, and it is very doubtful whether 
totemisu) does form an important element in the popular religion." 

The work concludes with a chapter on magic, shamanism and witchcraft, beliefs 
concerning which are closely connected with animism. Magic and religion originating 
in a common root develop at first along parallel lines, and their separation can hardly 
be said to have yet taken place among the forest tribes, in wliich the priest and 
medicine-man are one and the same person. The separation is seen when .spell and 
prayer can be distinguished. How slowly this takes place is shown by the greater 
importance attached to the mantras or spells even in the higher grades of Hinduism. 
Magic, imitative and contagious, is illnsi rated by examples from Hindu, Mahommedan, 
and Jnngle tril)es. Imitative magic is well seen in rain-making ; and here it is to be 
noted that to be successful the performer mnst be nude and his hair loose and flowing. 
Contagious magic is most commonly used in cases of disease ; e.//., among the Sautals, 
to di.^cover the per.son responsible for disease one method is to tie up small portions 
of rice in pieces of cloth marked with the names of all the females in the village 
who have attained twelve years of age and to put them in a white ant's nest. The 
person whose name is on the packet, in which the rice is eaten, is the guilty party. 

[ 172 ] 






1907.] MAN. [ITos. 99-100. 

Much importance is attached to the words of the spoken spell, one of which, for the 
removal of toothache, might possibly strike a sympathetic cord in more civilised 
persons suffering from the same complaint. " Teeth ! teeth I you are 32 I What 
*' quarrel is between us ? 1 will do the earning, you may do the eating, and live 
'^ happily with me till I die/^ The shaman or medicine-man with his imagined 
powers over evil spirits, exorcising them or controlling them in connection with 
disease, plays no unimportant part in the lives of the people. Almost every village 
has its witch, who, like the similar unfortunate creature of the old-time English 
countryside, is now protected from the cruelty of her neighbours by British law. 

There are thirty-two excellent illustrations from photographs of different types 
of natives, of industries, and scenes. Unfortunately, through some error, nearly all 
the references to them in the text are wrong. A very useful bibliography is added. 
There is only one complaint to be made, it refers to the map, which is very deficient. 
In fact, it is of comparatively little service in following the contents of the book. 
This is a defect common to all the volumes of this series so far published. It is 
much to be regretted that those responsible for the series should have allowed so 
serious a blemish to creep in. No better means could be adopted for repelling instead 
of attracting the general reader to works of this nature than to offer him a map to 
guide and illustrate his reading which can only confuse and irritate him. E. A. P. 



Africa, Congo. Halkin. 

Quelques Peuplades du district de VUele : I. Introduction, Les Abahua, Par 4f||| 
Joseph Halkin, Professeur d'Ethnographie de rUniversit6 de Li6ge. Liege, III II 
1907. Pp. 155. 25 X 17 cm. 

This interesting book, which will be welcomed by all students of African ethnology, 
is the first of a series in which Professor Halkin proposes to deal with the people of 
the Uel6. We sincerely trust that he will not allow his investigations to stop here, 
but will give them a wider range, and, if we may make a suggestion, we would 
urge him to publish, in the subsequent parts of his work, the type photographs, to 
which frequent references are made, and also any vocabularies he may have been 
able to collect, however small these may be. It is a matter for regret that Pro- 
fessor Ilalkin has not attempted to draw any conclusions from his material, as he 
is eminently fitted for the task, and any conclusions would have been of great value, 
especially as the statements he publishes are often contradictory. This, of course, is 
due to the plan of the book, which consists of a collection of observations made by 
different travellers at different times. Possibly in a subsequent part Professor Halkin 
will summarise all the evidence which he has so laboriously collected, and thereby 
still further add to the debt which students of ethnology owe him. 

In the notes which follow we haA^e attempted to give a brief account of the 
contents of this valuable book. 

The Ababua inhabit that part of the Uele district of the Congo Free State which 
is situated between the Bomokandi and the Rubi, roughly speaking between latitude 
2^ 40' and S*" 30' north, and longitude 25° to 26° 30' east. The sub-tribes of the Ababua 
are the Bwopenbere, Babanda, Baganji, Baduda, Babul i, and Baieu (spelt by the 
author Baieou). The Baieu are divided into the Balisi and Beuge, while the Bangingita 
are also said to be a part of this sub-tribe. 

The chief and favourite occupation of the men is hunting. Game is driven by 
dogs into enormous nets and there killed with spears and small arrows with iron or 
wooden heads. Fishing is practised by women, who dam a riA^er and take the fish 
out with their hands. Fishtraps also are laid, and sometimes a river is poisoned. 
Agricultural work, except forest clearing, is done by women. The plantations are as 
a rule situated at some distance from the village, the chief crop being bananas, but 

[ 173 ] 



No. 100.] MAN. [1907. 

casava, sweet potatoes, maize, and vegetable marrows are also cultivated. This form& 
the basis of their food ; rats, locusts, lizards, snakes, some insects, and crocodiles are 
eaten as dainties. The eating of hippopotomi is, however, strictly prohibited, and in 
some sub-tribes there is a tabu on gorillas and leopards. The people are great cannibals, 
but only prisoners taken in war with other tribes are eaten. Beer is made from maize 
and bananas. Tobacco is in general use. 

Physically the Ababua are said to be the finest of all the inhabitants of the Congo. 
They are tall and slim, but their endurance does not appear to be very great. They 
are naturally hospitable, and are distinguished by a great love for freedom, but the fear 
of losing their independence makes them suspicious of strangers. This characteristic 
is justified by their history, since they have lost, in wars with the Azande, a great 
part of their territory, which originally stretched much further to the north across 
the Uele. 

The population consists of chiefs, freemen, and slaves. These last are all 
Ababua. Defaulting debtors, prisoners taken in inter-tribal war, and children of slaves 
make up the slave class. 

Both sexes paint their bodies, the ordinary pigment being camwood. Lines are 
drawn on the back, legs, and arms, with white clay and charcoal. Cicatrisation is 
practised, and is principally applied to the breast and abdomen. If, as stated, the 
Ababua originally formed one tribe, it is probable that in former times the tribal mark 
in general use Avas a lateral band on the forehead, composed of four or five lines of 
punctures, sloping slightly towards the root of the nose. The centre of the ear is 
pierced, and the hole enlarged so as to allow of the insertion of a disc of wood or ivory 
5 cm. in diameter. Several holes are made in the helix, and string, small brass rings 
or beads inserted. Some individuals also pierce the lobe and greatly enlarge it. 
Women wear on their legs spirals of fine iron wire. Young women wear a girdle of 
two or three rows of iron rings round their loins. The ornaments worn by the men 
are an iron anklet and necklaces of human teeth. Children and virgins go naked,, 
but when a girl has had intercourse she wears a small piece of bark cloth, a few 
centimetres square, in front of the pudenda. Men wear bark cloth passed between the 
legs and attached to a girdle composed of bark string, ending in a bundle of hair or 
a wild cat's tail. 

The villages, built for choice in the forest, are of great extent, so much so that^ 
although they are far apart, the population is extremely dense. The huts of the 
Ababua are a striking example of the instability of native habits. De la Kethulle 
found huts of a beehive shape amongst the Baieu, and Dr. Vedy saw some of cylindrical 
form with a conical roof, the walls being made of a single strip of bark about seven 
metres long. In certain villages walls made of poles and mud are substituted for these 
bark walls, but in the majority of cases the huts are quadrangular, the walls being made 
exclusively of mud, kept in position by a few stout poles. These latter huts have 
two entrances, situated at opposite ends. Each hut contains two or three beds (about 
160 cm. long and 60 or 70 cm. broad) made of beaten clay and covered with mats. 
Chairs are made ; boxes, made of bark on a wooden base, contain the various posses- 
sions of the inhabitants. The fire, obtained by friction, is situated in the middle of the 
hut, but without any especial place. The village is built in the form of a long street,, 
in which is situated a big shelter with a roof similar to those of the huts, in which 
men with nothing to do spend the day. A sentry is posted before the shelter day and 
night. Villages arc often built in places where swamps form a natural defence, but 
where this is not the case an artificial hedge with only three or four entrances 
surrounds them. 

Iron ore is found at a depth of two or three metres. It is smelted with charcoal,^ 
several pairs of bellows being used, and the metal thus obtained is beaten on a stone 

[ 174 ] 



1907.] MAN. [No. 100» 

with a cylindrical or quadrangular piece of iron. After it has been freed from its 
impurities it is beaten by smiths into the required kind of tool or weapon. The bellows 
are formed of cylinders of clay or wood, one end of which is covered with a loose 
skin, moved by long wooden handles attached to it. 

The Ababua appear to weave rough fibre cloth, but further information about this 
is much to be desired. It would also be interesting to know what Dr. Vedy, quoted by 
the author, means by " tissu vegetal tress^," which he states is worn by the men. For 
sewing, work done exclusively by the men, native-made iron needles and fibre are used. 
Caps made of skin, straw, or basket work seem to be worn by important men on festal 
occasions. Fish-traps, caps, mats, and sheaths for lance blades are made of basket- 
work. Pots are made without a wheel, are nearly all spherical in shape, and are 
unornamented. Handles for tools, gongs, and masks, the latter worn when dancing, 
are carved out of wood. 

Child murder and abortion seem to be of frequent occurrence but are not regarded 
with approval. No initiation ceremonies are performed. Women manifest a feeling 
of shame by hiding the face with the hand. Intercourse before puberty is common,, 
but virginity in brides is highly valued. Prostitution and sexual abnormalities are 
unknown ; masturbation is frequent and is unreproved. Marriage by capture is of 
common occurrence but frequently results in war between the two villages ; properly 
the husband ought to buy his wife, her consent not being absolutely necessary^ 
Polygyny is general, and girls are often sold at a very tender age. Men usually take 
their wives from other villages than their own and the marriage is celebrated by 
dancing, eating, and drinking. Conjugal fidelity is expected of women but not of 
men. In cases of adultery, the injured husband may in theory kill both the culprits,^ 
but as a rule the erring wife is only beaten and the man escapes with a heavy fine. 
Divorce exists. If the husband is tired of his wife he simply orders her to return 
to her parents. In this case the price paid for her, or a part of it, must be restored,, 
but frequently one of her sisters is given in compensation. A woman who has borne 
two or more children to her husband cannot be divorced. 

The father is absolute head of the family, but he cannot sell his daughters other- 
wise than in marriage. This right, as well as the chieftainship and other property, 
descends in the direct male line. Adoption exists and no difference is made betweea 
adopted and natural children. 

Old people are well cared for and respected. In general it may be said that the 
Ababua have a great respect for family ties. Children if disobedient are beaten. The 
games played by the children are : — The whipping top, swing, a game called " liagboi," 
which consists in one child throwing a bent piece of wood which the other must catch 
with a loop of string. They play with rubber balls also. Only men and boys play 
games (together). Females are excluded from all games. Musical performances are 
reserA^ed to the stronger sex. 

The most frequent diseases are fever and dysentery. Many medical plants are 
used and applied by the fetish man. 

Only death from old age is considered as natural ; if young people die it is 
believed that they have been killed by someone possessed by " likundu " (a foreign 
word), which corresponds to the evil eye, and the suspected individual is submitted 
to a poison ordeal. Dr. Vedy, quoted by the author, knows of cases where the accused 
was first killed and then his entrails searched for the " likundu," which is always found, 
as it is the gall bladder. 

The dead are buried at a depth of about one metre on a bed ; after a month 
they are exhumed and buried in another place. This ceremony is repeated at regular 
intervals as long as the parents live. At each exhumation there is renewed lamentation^ 
and if the bed has decayed a new one is provided. The gifts to the dead consist only 

[ "6 ] 



Nob. lOO-lOL] MAN. |1907. 

of food and are placed on tlie grave. An Ahaliua killed in war is cremated, to prevent 
him being eaten l»y the enemy ; the ashes are carried to his vilhigo and buried there. 

Tlie Haieu before burying the body extract its entrails and dry the corpse for 
several weeks ; all objects Avhieh belonged to the deceased are put into the grave 
with him. The sacrifice of women or slaves is practised. 

The Ababua do not believe in any god. 

The j)ower of the chiefs is purely nominal, their ])rinci]mi duty consisting of 
presiding in the court of justice, where they are advised by the elders. Murder 
without provocation, adultery an<l theft are punishable by death. 

In our opinion it is clear that the Ababua and Baieu are two ditferent people, 
although there may be resemblances between them, due to long defensive alliances. 
The author apparently considers them as one tribe, but neither he, nor his informants, 
give any reason for this opinion. When we consider that the Baieu, like the Ababua, 
are divided into sub-tribes, that their huts are circular, whilst those of the Ababua 
are rectangular, that their burial customs differ greatly, and that tribal cicatrisation 
marks have not been observed amongst the Baieu, we must come to the conclusion 
that we have to deal with two different tribes, whose customs have a tendency to 
assimilate, as in the huts, where all transitional forms may be found. The author 
says in his introduction that he does not consider his work definite, and we hope 
that his further researches will <«lear up this ])roblem. E. TOR DAY. 



PROCEEDINGS OP SOCIETIES. 
Proceedings. Oongres Pr6historique de Prance. 

Third Session^ held at Autun^ Saone et Loire, I2th to IHth August^ li>07. 4114 
This Congress was inaugurated by a public meeting at the Theatre of the lUI 
picturesque and int<»resting city of Autun, on Monday, 12tli August, at 10 a.m., under 
the presidency of Dr. A«lrien (iuebhard, whose researches among the ancieut camps 
ami entrenchments of his country are well known. This meeting was addressed by the 
Mavor of Autun and several local notabilities, bv the President and other officers, and 
by a representative of the Minister of Public Instruction. The mayor gave a reception 
in the evtjning at the Hotel de Ville. Mon«lay afternoon and Tuesday and Wednesday 
were devoted to rea<ling papers, of which there Avere about seventy, classified under the 
heads of paljeolithi<% neolithic, camps and enclosures, and metal age. On Tuesday 
evening the President (Dr. (iuebhard) delivered a public lecture at the Theatre on the 
development of camps, entrenchments, &c., illustrated by a great number of lantern 
slides, and on Wednesday evening three exhibitions of lantern slides were given at the 
College, where all the ordinary meetings had be<Mi held. These were by Dr. Henri 
Martin, of Paris, of bones of horses and oxen worked by nnm in the Mousterien 
epoch, by Dr. Baudouin ami Mr. Dickens, of Japanese dolmens, «tc., and by Mr. A. L. 
J^ewis, of British rude stone monuments. Nearly 200 members attended the Congress, 
amongst whom w(>re the following Fellows of the Koyal Anthropological Institute : — 
Dr. Oscar Montelius (Hon. Fellow, Stockholm), who read a paper on *' La Periodc de 
la Tene en Suede,'' Dr. II. (). Forbes ( J^iv(?rpool), and Mr. A. L. Lewis (V.P., 
representing the Institute). Fxcellently arranged excursions were made in and around 
Autun on 12th, liitli, and 11th August, to Mont Beuvray (the Gaulish an<l Konmn 
Kibracte) '*!' 15th, to dolmens at La I%oche]>ot, Flagny, and Borgy, and to the (lailo- 
Bonian and neolithic station of Chassev on l(>th : to Ma<'on aiul Solutre on 17th, and 
to Alise Sainte Beine ( Alesiji ) and les Laumes (where also the "dislocation" of the 
C-ongress look plan?) on the 18th of August. A. L, L. 

PiinUNl by Kyue anu Spottiswoodi:, Jlis Majusty's PriiitLis, K:isi Jfjirding Street, K.C. 








EXCAVATIONS AT DEIR EL-BAMARl. 



1907.] 



MAN. 



[No. 102. 



ORIGINAL ARTICLES. 
Egypt : Archeology. With Plate M. Naville. 

ExcRVBtions at Delr el-Baharl 0006-7). /'y I'rotUior E,hu.irtl iflA 

Xnvillr, Iloi.. n.C.L., LL.D.. IXPInl.. D.Lai. 'Wt 

T1l« t^xt-iivjilioiis of tlie r.f..«oii 1906-7 li.ive l.nnitrlil. 1<> ils fln^i.' \.\\k-- work uL 
Deir ol-Biihnri. Uiirhif! [hat winicr, when I liuil tbe heli> of Mr. C. T. Currelly, 
Mr. M. D. IJuliBOii, aiiJ Mr. ,1. T. Dennis, wid for a short time also that of Mr. H. R. 
Hull, we eoniplctini the uteuring of the end of the vnlley. The momilain with lis vertiiial 
rliffd is visihle ainiig the whole sotiii-pirele i 



1 which stood the. 



lempleo of Deii 



ed. hilt 



i'1-Bahiu-i 1 oue on the aouth, tlie firHt in dntt>, w 
interest ns helng the mily temple we have 
of the XI dynasty: and one on ihe north, 
partly built ou the enclosure of the othur 
one, the ^"'6*1 funerary temple of Qneini 
Hatxhepsu, the prnnd prinuess of the 
XVIil dynasty. 

The sil« now prodnyes a atrikinf; 
iiupremiion. It 1^ une of the chief attruc- 
lions nf ThehuB. Exyept for one third of 
the great temple, whieii was excavated hy 
Uariette, the clearing of Deir eJ-Bahari, 
and eiipccially the discovery of tlie old 
temple, is entirely due to the Kf^ypt 
Exploration Fund. It has heen the work 
of ten wiulers of excavation and one WMitci' 
of repairs, betwtien IU93 ami I90T, with 
nil inlorruptiou of a few years. 

Iti spite of the state of utter nirTi of 
the old temple, we can fonn an idea of 
the appearance of the site in old tJmes, 
though we must not mippose that it ever 
»'!» in n perfect state of completeness. 
Very soon uttiir the XVlIl dynasty, 
prolmhiy already under the XIX, the older 
temple was neglected, and was used a^ a 
quarry. As for the north jmrt of the 
middle terrace of the great temple, it 
never was cleared of the chlpK produced 
hy the cutting down of the rock in onler 
to build a colouiiade ogainnt it. In this rcHpect the old Egyptians were as careless 
as those of the present day. 

The ta»k of this winter was lo excavate the l>ack |mri »r ihc temple, atorting on 
the east from the pyramid and the colonnaile behind it, and progresiiinfr towards the 
mountain on the west. The whole i^pace on which stood llie constractions wo 
diseovored this season has been cut out of ihe rock, which lines thut ^pace on three 
■sides, with vertical faces against which were built walls adorneil willi Bculpliires, 

Last year we stopped at tlie sixth column of a kind of aveuiie, conaisliiig of a 
single row of coltuuns un each side, along the wall. In the cnart, which was in the 
middle, wo discovered the entrance of a sluping drumos or passage, choked hy 
mormons ntoncs. We could not enter it without cai'ryiug away the huge moimds of 
nibbinh which were in front of n«, as far as the iiioimiain. Tbercfore w« left it foi 

[ n7 1 




A'SAKUTIIjLRV. 



Ko. 102.] 



MAN. 



a907. 



tliig year. It was supposed lo he the enlraiico of the royal tomb, Imt l.hia anticipation, 
though justified by nil wi? ooulii see at the time, proved not to l>c correct. What we 
found turned out to he a funerary tiauctiiary rather than u tomb. 

We hegan rlie work on January 2iid. Following tlie sloping pasi^agc, we fonud that 
very soon it sank iuto the rock. Above it, iastoitd of a mere avenue, we reached & lurge 
hypostyle hall. Generally the Hbtifia of the columns have disappeared, hut the bases 
remained in gitit. Theie wei-e ten rows of eight, so that the hall couHiated of eighty 
uolumiii;. Tbe last row is \ery near the vertical rock-face which closes the temple 
on the west. 

Returning to the descending dromos of the bab, after we hod removed liie heap 
of Btonea which closed the entrance, we entered a well-out rock passage like that 
of an ordinary tM or rnyal tomli, {foing absolutely straight, and of a length o[ 
loO metres (500 feet). After the first 
rhird of the dietiince this passage Ijegins 
i.n be arched, and this atmotnre continues 
down to the bottom. This " arch," or 
false vault, consists of two sandstone slabs 
leaning against each other. Tboy rest on 
notches in tbe rock and on vertical slabs ; 
and, ill order to prevent those from coming ' 
foi'wani, a wall of dry stone has been 
hiiilt against them, so that the passage . 
is somewhat narrowed, leaving, however, i 
room enough for a man to gu through 

At the end of the pai^sage wc fonnd a 
ftniall chamber entirely built of red granite, 
and quite similar to those ia the pyramids i 
of GiKa or Dahshur. It looked as if 
were a funerary chamber, and as if 
ought to tind in it a stone sarcophagus M I 
in other tombs. But when we entered it i 
through the low and narrow door we saw 
That the greater part of it was occupied 
by a largo alabaster slirine, built of well , 
joined blocks of that tine stone, n 
without any ornament except a tliiok | 
moulding. No hieroglyphic sign is i 
graved on It. It was etosal by a double- < 
leaved door, probably made of wood. The 
holes for the hinges are slill visible. The , 
ceiling consists of a large mouolithic red granite slab, over which tbe alabaal^r I 
cornice has been laid. Between the shrine and the walls of the (.'liamber there I 
was a kind of casing made of highly-polished black grunite, the lop of which , 
supported the projecting part of the cornice. 

Inside the shrine, anil in the narrow space in front of it, was a heap uf stri 
mostly from the casing, a i^uantity of mummy-cloth, wooden Imats, nod many wooden , 
lignres. Two or three small fragments of hones were among them, but if ihev are 1 
human I believe they belong to a later burial which certainly existed, since broken { 
pieces of a late coffin had beco used for propping up the ceiling at the end of the \ 
passage. We have no trace of any actual burial of the XI dynasty in this "tomb," 
though funerary furniture was found in it. I have no doubt that this chamber and 
t 178 ] 




1907.] 

ehriDB <lo not form 
tilt now no coffin h 
sanctuiir}', it is mai 
go<l may be 



MAN. [No. 102. 

u autuul tomb, but mtber a HiiLiterraneun funerary saai^tuary. U|i 
ever been foiiiiil in a shrine. Tliiu kind of monument is leally a 
for uontaiiiing the image or the ttacre^l emblems of a god. Tliis 

Dce the khisx ware aliraya deified, and would be worshipped not 



only after their death, but even during their lifetime ; therefore 1 consider this shrine as 
being the sanctuary of the Ka, the double of the dead King Mentuhetep II, and thin 
seems to be confirmed by the inscription of the stele found at the entnince of the 
passage, in which UBertscn III of the XII dynasty speaks of the "cave of 
Mentuhetep " to which lie assigns a certain amount of offerings to lie brought from th<j 
great temple of Amou. The Ka must have been represented in the shriue l>y a statue, 
which may have been ittanding or sitting, or even lying on a hed like Osiris at Abydos. 
The quantity of cloth fouud tliere probably was used for wrapping oti'erings which were 
hanging from hooka or pegs all round ihe shrine. The holes for the pegs are in a line, 
on the tliree sides. The boats, as far as we can restore them, are not of the visual type 
which we find in the tombs with oursmen conveying the mummy to the west. They 
are in the form of festal barges with high prow and st«rn, carrying statues of divinities 
in certain festivals, such as we see represented in the upper court of the great temple. 
Thus Ihe Itoats 
were the Ka. 
the doubles of 
those used in 
the religii)ii> 






L tHE ENTBANCE 



the statiif "ii^ 
tlie imagi: ul 
the divine 
Icing. 

The CO- 
himned hall 
above the 
passage ex- 
tended on tlic 
west as far as 
the mounlain 
which eloBod 
the temple. 

In the middle of the vertical face of rock there is a smull artificial speos or cave, 
evidentlv made for a shrine, hut quite empty. In front ef it ritands a square 
block of limeBtone, evidently an altar, with a uiruular depression cut in the lop, A 
kind of forehall has Iteen made to the shrine by two parallel stone walls baring 
heen built bo as to enclose sis of the columnii of the hall, the projecting right angles 
forming an entrance. These walls, very much ruined, were covered with very fine 
sculptures, the colours nf which are still very vivid. The gods hud been defaeed by 
AmonbeI«p IV j but they were restored with great care by Kanieses II, who did not 
forget to insert his name close to that of Mentuhet«p. This epeos and its forehall 
form the cella of the temple. 

In the northern corner of the hall (here is a small lumb (No. 15) eunsisting of a 
pit and a small chamber, probably for a princess or a higher official. A much larger 
one (No. 16) in the southern corner, which had been investigated long before thu present 
excavations, and may be that known as "Lord Dufferin's Tomb," was finally cleared 
by us. A sloping passage leads to a wide chamber, where is seen (ho bo<ly of a large 
saivophagus in alabaster, made oF several pieces. The lid is missing. No painied 
[ 119 ] 



Nos. 102-103.] MAN. 11907. 

or written Higiis v.ouUl be discoAcrcd on it, and we cannot yet say for certain who. was 
hnried in this tomb. 

We now know the plan of the funerary temple of Mentuhetep II. As has been 
shown in the previous articles on these excavations, which have appeared every year in 
Max, by Mr. Hall, and last year by Mr. Hall and myself, it consisted of a platform to 
which access was given by a ramp. On this platform rose from the midst of a surrounding 
colonnade or ambulatory a pyramid, which seems to have had no other purpose than to 
mark the funerary character of the building. Behind it, in the middle of a colonnaded 
court, was the entrance to a subterranean chapel, and, beyond the court, a hypostyle hall 
which was the portico or pronaos to a cella ending in a small rock-cut chapel, where I 
suppose stood the statue of Mentuhetep with an altar before it. 

No other temple of similar type has been discovered in Egypt. 

The photographs show (I) a bird's-eye view of the temple, taken in March 1907, 
from the top of the cliflTs, 400 feet above it. This should be compared with the similar 
photograph, taken in December 1905, which was published in Man, 1906, 64, Fig. 5 : 
the progress made between the two dates in the clearance of the southern court will 
be noticed. In the distance are seen the hill of Shekh 'Abd el-Kiirna, and the cemetery 
of el-Asasif, with beyond it the cultivated land and the Nile, four miles distant ; 
(2) the western end of the temple, from the east, showing the entrance to the Ka- 
sanctuary, the ruins of the hypostyle hall, and the speos, in the deep trench revealed 
by the removal of the mounds shown in Man, 1906, 64, Figs. 3 and 4 ; (3) the celloy 
altar, and speos, at the western end ; (4) a general view of the hypostyle hall, from 
the south-eastern corner of the trench, showing the cella and the entrance of tomb 
No. 16 in the foreground, the dromos of the Aa-sanctuary in the middle distance, and 
the pyramid-base in the background (the whole of the trench was covered by the 
mounds shown in Man, 1906, 64, Figs. 3 and 4) ; (5) one of the fine coloured reliefs 
of the cella^ now in the Metropolitan Museum of New York, depicting the king 
accompanied by a goddess, who says, " I have joined for thee the two lands as was 
" decreed by my will (lit. spirits) " ; (6) the dromos and the entrance of the Ka~ 
sanctuary, from the east ; (7) the interior of the descending passage of the ifTa-sanctuary, 
showing the false vaulting and the piled up stones on which this rests ; (8) the great 
naos of alabaster in the granite sanctuary itself, 500 feet beneath the western mountain ; 
(9) the altar and pillars of the cella from the speos, looking east ; showing the south 
side of the trench. Of these photographs Nos. 7 and 8 were taken with the aid of the 
flash-light by Messrs. Ayrton and Dalison, No. 9 is by Mr. Dalison, and the rest by 
Mr. Hall. EDOUARD NAVILLE- 

Folklore. Langr. 

Seethinff the Kid. Bt/ Andrew Lang, 109 

The prohibition, "Thou shalt not seethe a kid in his mother's milk," lUU 
occurs thrice in the Old Testament. In Exodus xxiii, 19, it follows the command to 
offer firstfruits, and (;omes at a considerable distance from the Ten Commandments, 
religious and moral, which we usually call the Decalogue (Exodus xx, 1-17). Yet, 
in Exodus xxiii, 19, the injunction concerning the kid and its mother's milk is part 
of a set of rules closely resembling those which, in Exodus xxxiv, 28, are spoken of 
as " the wonls of the Covenant, the Ten Commandments," or " the Ten Words." 
To these Ten Words in Exodus xxxiv, 12-26, I return. 

In Deuterontmiy xiv, 21, the precept concerning the kid occurs among "food- 
tabus," or rather, among laws of avoidances of food. The various unclean animals 
are not to be eaten: "the flesh of anything that dieth of itself" (braxey) is not to 
l)e oaten ; a kid is not to be eaten boiled in its mother's milk. It is manifest that 
the rule of the kid is here given in its natural place, among food avoidances. 

[ 180 ] 



1907.] MAN. [No. 103. 

A lay reader is not inclined to place much confidence in learned and discrepant 
attempts to sort out and date as " Jehovistic " or " Elohistic," as earlier or later, the 
various and variously arranged codes of laws in Exodus. The task seems to me more 
difficult than if one were to try to -sort out and date the variants of the ballad of The 
Queen's Marie^ in Child's Collection, and to disengage the historical element. We 
can do that, for we have documents contemporary with the facts out of which the 
ballad arose ; but, in the case of Exodus, we have no contemporary letters and 
despatches. On the face of it, the varying codes and varying versions of the same 
occurrences in Exodus look like a set of variants of a ballad, collected and put together, 
but not edited. There has been no attempt to construct one coherent and consistent 
narrative. If our Ten Commandments, or Decalogue (Exodus xx, 1-17), be a late 
composition of the period of the prophets, the prophets left all the other versions 
standing beside it in the collection of materials, just as Child does with his ballads. 
They did not, like Scott and other editors, compose a consistent ballad or story out 
of the materials, like Scott's The Queeti's Marie^ and suppress the rest of the 
documents. These also are given in Exodus, and they are in a confused condition. 
The rule about the kid, in particular, in Exodus xxxiv, 26, seems quite out of place, 
a circumstance which might easily occur among the variations of early manuscripts. 

In "Anthropological Essays" Mr. J. G. Frazer presents a suggestion of a theory 
as to the meaning of the prohibition to seethe the kid in his mother's milk, and 
{Athenfeum^ O(;tober 26th, 1907, Man, 1907, 96) he mentions that M. Marcel Mauss 
had, though Mr. J. G. Frazer knew it not, anticipated the hypothesis. (^L^Annee 
Sociologique, Vol. IX, page 190.) 

If I may condense Mr. Frazer's ideas, he thinks it probable that the Ten Words 
of the Lord, in Exodus xxxiv, 12-26, are an earlier form of the moral and religious 
Decalogue of Exodus xx, which, again, may be late, and due to the influence of the 
Prophets. 

It is not easy to be certain what are the " Ten Words " of Exodus xxxiv ; 
(compare their earlier appearance in Exodus xxiii, 10-19). To myself we seem to 
have — 

1. Command to honour the Lord alone ; not the gods of other peoples. 

2. No molten images of gods. 

3. Feast of unleavened bread to be kept. (Already in Exodus xii, 15-27.) 

4. Claim to firstlings. 

5. Sabbath rest. 

6. Feast of Aveeks, and two others. 

7. Three appearances before the Lord in each year. (Included in 6 ?) 

8. No leaven with sacrifice, and no remnants of Passover to be left. (But these 

are mere details of 3.) 

9. Firstfruits claimed. (This is implicit in 4.) 

10. Kid not to be seethed in his mother's milk. 

Here we have no moral prohibitions ; but, surely, if many Australian tribes put 
moral rules under the sanction of the All-Father, as they certainly do, this religious 
factor in morality could hardly be omitted by a people so advanced as the Israelites 
certainly were, according to such evidence as we possess, in the time of Moses. 

However this may be, the Ten Words of Exodus xxxiv are not uniform in 
character. All but one of them, however we may arrange them, merely contain part of 
what the Lord expects of Israel in relation to himself ; they are matters of religion 
ajid of ritual except one. That one is " Thou shalt not seethe the kid in his mother's 
milk," which, if I understand Mr. Frazer's view, he takes to be not a command of 
ritual, but, in origin, of self-regarding human superstition. He gives many examples 
of African peoples who object to the boiling of milk, whether with or without flesh 

[ 181 ] 



Nos. 103-104.] MAN. 11907. 

boiled in it, because they think that the process will react mischievously on the animals 
which yield the milk. Other fancied injuries to the kine through the milk are also 
forbidden. To seethe the kid in his mother's milk would have a doubly evil effect 
on the dam. But surely, if the Israelites held by these superntitions, they would have 
forbidden the l)oiling of milk in general, and the cooking of veal in cow's milk, as it 
is cooked in secret by diffident debauchees among the African tribes. Next, I cannot 
imagine why, in the Ten Words, of which nine regard man's religious and ritual 
duties, a tenth should have been added which only concerns man's own interests in 
the matter of goat's flesh alone, as part of the food supply. It looks as if Exodus 
xxxiv, 20, or at least as if the clause about the kid, had strayed from its proper 
place among food avoidances into the words of the Lord's personal treaty with Israel, 
the conditions on which He will drive out the tribes in possession of Canaan. Their 
" feudal duties," as it were, to God, seem to have nothing to do with their chances 
of damaging their milch goats. The kid rule is wholly out of harmony with the 
other rules of the Ten Words. 

Its source, I think, is that of rules displaying a singular compassionateness, 
out of harmony with the rather Draconic laws of the Legal Books of the Old Testament. 
The woman taken in war is allowed a month's respite for freedom in her grief before 
she becomes the wife of her captor. We hear of nothing like this in Homer ! A 
man must raise the beast of his enemy if it falls under its biu*dcn. ^^ If a bird^s 
nest lie before thee in the way in any tree, or on the ground, whether they be 
young ones or eggs, and the dam sitting upon the young, or upon the eggs, thou 
'^ shalt not take the dam with the young. But thou shalt in any wise let the dam 
" go, and take the young with thee, and that thou mayest prolong thy days " 
(Deuteronomy xxii, 6-7). The ox is not* to be muzzled when he treads out the 
corn. A dam and its offspring are not to be slain on the same day (Leviticus 
xxii, 28). There seems to be a sentiment against brutality toAvards animals, and, 
to us, the seething of a kid in its mother's milk does now seem rather unfeeling, or 
heartless. I do not remember, in savage or barbaric legislation, any parallels to the 
rule about sparing the wild bird when its young are taken ; for the Fuegian " Big 
Black Man's" prohibition to kill flappers may be a game law. Possibly the rule 
about the bird may also be a game law, if so, it is the only Hebrew game law in 
the Bible. But as we find no prohibition against boiling milk of kine, and only the 
rule against seething the kid in its mother's milk, the prohibition scarcely looks 
analogous to the sweeping African prohibition against boiling any milk. 

We can never tell where tenderness of feeling ira se nicher. Tame rabbits were 
spared by the soldiers in the famished garrison of Ladysmith. When I was a boy 
in Scotland anglers had an aversion to eating trout of their own killing. The rule 
about not taking the wild sitting bird with its young seems to me purely based on 
compassionate sentiment. The rule about the kid has, I think, the same source ; 
even if it has, it remains out of place among the Ten Words of Exodus xxxiv, the 
conditions made by the Lord with Israel. A. LANG. 






America, North. Crewdson. 

On an unusual form of Tomahawk fh'om Lake Superior. By fV. IflJ 

Crewdson, M. A,, F.S.A, 1U4 

The accompanying photograph and drawing represent a hatchet of unusual form 
from North America in my possession. The blade is of iron and 50 mm. wide at 
the cutting edge ; the slot for the insertion of the haft being 30 mm. long and 7 mm. 
wide ; the back of the blade is prolonged into a slender spike, quadrangular in section, 
the extremity of which has been broken off; the total length of the head in its 
present condition is 180 mm. Immediately beneath this spike, and parallel with it, 

[ 182 ] 



19070 



MAN. 



[New. 104-lOS. 



Ill) iron pipe bowl '25 mm. deep has been neatly brazed. The bole at the bottom 
of this, after entering tlie back of the »xe head, turns abruptly at right anglee and 
passes into tbc wooden baft, which it traverses for its entire length. The method 
by which the hole has been pierced in the ehnh is obviou» ; tbe latter has been 
split, and a ^cmi-circular groove made in eacli fragment, and the two fitted together 

Tlie baft, wliich is 370 mm. long, has been ornamented with painted designs in 
red, green, brown, and black ; a prominent feature being a fnlly-ctad human figure 
standing in profile, with long flowing hair and a red feather set above the forehead. 

Some time ago I showed the weapon to Professor Holmes, of Washington. He 
was much isiterested in it, and his remarks npon it ran, to the best of my recolleclion, 
as follows : " This tomahawk comes from the region of Lake Superior, and was 





" probably decorated about 1750 by an Indian of tie Algouqniau tribe. The form 
" of the pipe and hatchet in most cases determine whether they were sold to the 
" Indian by a trader of Euglisb, Dutch, French, or Spanish nationality ; but this type, 
■' provided with a spike as well as the pipe and hatchet, is nnknown." Consequently 
, he tomahawk is believed to be unique. W. CREWDSON. 

Solomon Islands. Parkinson. 

Notes on SolomDn ■•land Batketa and on Lord Howo-a Group, iflg 

Hi/ R. Parkinson. *^^ 

Solomon Island Basbet.— In Man, 1906, 46, a Solomon Island basket is 

described by Mr. Edge-Par tington. I have fonud the^e baskets used on the east 

coast of northern Bougainville as well as on the northern end of Choiseul. The 

[ X83 ] 



Vo. 103.] 



HAN. 



0907. 



lri>i«> inlwhitin|t ilic ManilM nf BoagBinville Str»it« commun irate with ilte tribes in 
BouKBintitle and Cboiaeul, kiiJ beiice ibe Wokela onrssiuukUy are foanil ibere. I 
MD uot enre tf ibejr arc ntsuiiritcliireil in Clioii^iil or imporlei) : tun, in regard to 
Bongtiinviiie. I tim snre (iuit ibry >re nmoiilarlureil in tbe «vast»l villa^e^ ut well as 
inland in tliat pari of tbr^ uaMi coast iiituatcil to ihL> iiorib of tlic Ukrtiu Islaoils. 

Ye&n a);o I pnbliebed iu the Report? of ibe ^ral Zoologira) and Aniltmpitb>gical- 
Klhnognphical Unwum, DrcHlr.ii, Vol. VII. No. 6, l8<W-99. a ntuulKT of "Etbnn- 
^rapbieal N'>te« on (bt- North- we>terii ^I'Kiton I^lnnils." of whicb ibe following ix 
an extnuil ; — 

**!» ibv (illnj!i; Tobiiroi on tbe en»t eottat of BouKitiiivilk the iiibabitaiits on my 
return front tbe mourinin vitlageit had prepareil a feast ; I do not menlinn it on 
accnnnt of its rnlinary NTomplisIitncntH, biit liccause i fnnnd tbe fr>od served in plaited 
traja and Inwkeln of a bape wbicli I Imve uot obaerted ui any other |Mrl of Bou- 
gainville. Three chararteri.Mie dispel wen- represented. Circnlar didie" were tised 
for M^rviiiK iHiiled fi«h. Tbe»e di-lie* ha.1 a (.-ireular Utloiii «f -ttMiO cm. in dianieter 




with ail outward nluntiug rim. 10-15 em. broad, perfoniicd with 4-6 cm. triangular 
npeniiigH. This kind of H«t dish was eaJled a 'darn," The second vnriety had a 
oonii'ftl {fumiel-Hhapeil) form: the flat circular bottom was itl>out 15 ™i. in diameter, 
the upper diameter of the Iniaket wai> at>oHt 60 cm. Tbe tildes were about 40 cm. 
bigb, wli^htly lieiif inward, uud with four triungulnr openings a little below tbe Hm. 
The bottom bod a umall cquare opening, inoMt likely lo drain off auy fluids collecting 
in the Iia:(ket. These ve^sclit were called 'doatlo,' ami were (illed with liuiied atid 
roaatcd laro ami yam. The triangular npeningn served nf baiidlet^. The third variety, 
iu tho ebiipo of handled bflokets, were cnlled ' koko.' I observed two kiuilH : some 
with a flat oval bottom, tlie rim pressed Hideways and joined by a bundle about 4 cm. 
broad and 20 cm. high ; others consinHed of a cireular plate, the upper edges Iraut 
upwards and joined by a similar handle." 

The miuerliil nried in niunufaeturlng thu^e lia^kctfi if the dried stem or stalk of a 
.■i.ftiii.i kind of fern ; it i» ve.v pljaldv and strong, and when new lins ii fini- brown. 
r 184 J 





I90r.] MAN. [No. lOS 

eloasy colour. Tho same mittenul in used io Clioiseul, tmi baskets fviim there ai-e 
lever ns big as the baskets I have descriheil troin Bouguinville. Baskoiwork man" 
lu^liircd iu the same way and of tlie nume material U alHO fuiiiid in tUo Bftiuiug 
Mnunlaina of the Giwplle PeiiiriBula. >'ew Brilain. mid in the Admirally Iclaudn, m 
Hell HH on oertain parts of the coast of New Britain to i.he west of (hn WillHiimca 
*eiiisinsii]a, 

Loni Howe's Croup.— Mt. Woodford lias on sevami occasions published ahor 
lotc^ on the Lord Howe'n (iroiip islanders in Max. I flbonld like to draw tiie nttenlioi 

'EthuoKniidiy of llw Ongtmig Java (Lord Howe's Group) tind Tnsnmn Islands" it 
fufcrnaf. Archiv fur Ethnographic, Vol. X, 1«97, mid to Dr. G. 'VixWewwe Etkmgm- 
uhitvhe Krgrlminse ant Melanfgkti. Halle. 1901. The ethnographical fea lures of the 
slmiders are in Iwth works treated at considerable length, and the elnbornle UUmrig 
f the men and women i^hown in several drawings : the traditions of the islanders 
re nl-<i trciicd in ^nmo dclxil. and tliroiiffh thc^o' it can be j.rovod that ilie inhnhi- 




4 


if''- 






¥ia. :J.— CiUAVBVABD Of THE COMUON PIH)PLE (UAtCA), LOtU> UUWE. 

anii> dee^eend frtmi emigranlrt who arrived many years ago from the ElUce Group, from 
IU Gilbert Jslandw, an<I from inlands to the north (CaroHnes ?). Slight Iraees ot 

^lelaneciHTi descent are also to be noticed. Not lat«r than twelve years a^o eeveral 

anoc!' from the Gilbert IsUndit arrived in Tasman (Nnknmann), and in a quarrel arising 
milt one of the castaway women the then king of NLikmnann, Pule, was stabbed t< 

eiitb liy one of the Gilbert islanders. Some years before a trading schooner from New 
rilain took several castaways from Hikaiaiia, who. had arriveil at Lord Howe, )>ack to 
leir home. The Sikiiiaim natives are frequent visitors to Lord Howe, iisually reluming 

ome in their own canoes as soon as the wcalher is favourable. The Lord Howe 
Iftiniers oceusionally are cast away i« the inlands of the Solomon Group, and during my 

oysges amongst the islands, covering a period of about Iwenly-five years, I have found 

emnant* of tbcm on tlw east <;oast of Buka, on the norih-eost end of Bougainville, and 
Cboiscul. The presciil liead priest of Markoii; or Mortlock Islands, is a Lord Howo 

r 185 ] 





No8. 105-106.] MAN. [1907. 

man who drifted there about forty years ago. The graveyards of Lord Howe are 
a characteristic feature of the island, and the above photographs taken a few years 
ago should prove of interest. The high tombstone is erected over 'the »grave of the 
late king, Uila. R[ PARKINSON. 



REVIEWS. 
Torres Straits. Ray. 

Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits. 4I||I 
Vol. III.j Linguistics. By Sidney H. Ray. Cambridge : University Press, lUII 
1907. Pp. viii + 528. 29 X 22 cm. Price 30*. 

When in 1898 the great Cambridge Anthropological P^xpedition to Torres Straits 
was undertaken all students of Oceanic philology were highly satisfied on hearing that 
Mr. Sidney H. Ray, the renowned discoverer of the " Papuan languages,^^ had consented 
to deal with the linguistic part of the work of the Expedition. After the Expedition 
was finished they awaited with some impatience the publication of the results of his 
researches, which they could not but believe to be of the greatest weight and interest. 
Although some years have passed away in the meantime, these results have lost nothing 
of their value — no other works on the languages of this region having been published 
— and it is therefore with great enjoyment that we have received them in 1x>ok form. 

We heartily congratulate Mr. Sidney H. Ray on having at length succeeded in 
seeing his studies published in such a monumental form as the Reports of the Cam- 
bridge Expedition present and as their value fully deserves. We believe that this 
volume is one of the most important of the whole series of the Reports of the 
Cambridge Expedition. To understand this judgment one must take into consideration 
that by his discovery of the Papuan languages, t.e., languages not connected with the 
Austronesian (Malayo-Polynesian), Mr. Sidney H. Ray has put the first stone to a 
firm and solid theorisation not only of the languages, but also of the races of the 
Pacific in general (see my Fr. Muller'*s Theorie iiher die Melanesier\ and of these 
highly interesting languages we here receive for the first time a full and adequate 
account. 

The manner in which Mr. Sidney H. Ray presents to the reader the results of his 
researches could not easily be surpassed in scientific exactness and prudent sobriety. 
There is nothing fantastic nor rash ; full references are given for all statements, and 
Mr. Ray has not been tempted into torturing his evidence to fit his theories. The whole 
work bears the character of perfect reliability, and students may confidently extract 
from it all kinds of information about those languages they require. 

It is a very rich material that Mr. Ray has been able to collect. With regard to 
the Papuan languages there are two detailed grammars and vocabularies, also texts of 
the Mabuiag and the Miriam language in Torres Straits, then a grammar of the Kiwai 
language of the Fly River, a grammar of the Toaripi language spoken at the eastern 
end of the Gulf of Papua, a grammar of the Koita language spoken in the central 
district, grammar notes and short sketches of quite a number of other languages, and 
at the end a comprehensive comparative vocabulary of all the Papuan languages of 
British New Guinea. 

In order to compare the Papuan languages with those of Australia, all that has 
been published of the languages of the Cape York Peninsula has been added, and we 
are thus provided with very useful materials not otherwise easily available for general 
scholars. 

The Melanesian languages of British New Guinea have been handled in a more 
compendious and comparative manner, which is perfectly justified by the relative 
uniformity of these languages. In separate chapters the author treats of the phonology, 

[ 186 ] 



1907.] MAN. [No. 106. 

the grammar, the numeration and numerals, and finally gives a great comparative 
vocabulary. 

The history of the studies relating to all the languages and a full bibliography is 
given. Their geographical position and delimitation is always carefully stated, and four 
maps help to an understanding of them. 

Naturally, linguists will gain the greatest advantages from Mr. Ray's work ; for 
everyone studying the languages of these regions it will be indispensable. It is not only 
the grammatical and lexicological side which will excite their interest, but also the 
p.sychological, especially when considering some curious features of the Papuan 
languages. I may briefly refer to the division of nouns made by Miriam in au net (big 
name) = genus and kebi nei (small name) =: species (p. 58). There is further a kind 
of grammatical gender in the Mabuiag language, where large or female things are 
designated by the particle na^ small or male things by nu\ the association of ^^ large '' 
with " female " and " small " with " male " being quite the reverse of what we are 
accustomed to from other languages, e.g.^ the Hottentot or the Masai. 

But many of the results obtained are of great interest also for ethnologists. There 
is the fact that the western languages of Torres Straits differ remarkably from the 
eastern, and from the other Papuan languages generally, first by the exclusive use 
of suffixes and by the greater lucidity of their forms, whilst the Papuan languages 
generally use prefixes and suffixes and show a degree of complication which makes 
it difficult and often altogether impossible to obtain a full explanation of their 
forms. On the other hand, the western languages show affinity to the Australian 
languages of the Cape York Peninsula, both in construction and also, to some extent, 
in vocabulary. In contrast with all these facts none of the eastern and the other 
Papuan languages show features of grammatical gender, which have been detected in 
several Papuan languages of German New Guinea and New Britain — and it is the 
western language which affords at least the beginnings of this kind of classification. 

Another fact for ethnologists to keep in mind with regard to Papuan languages 
is their great tendency to split into quite independent families, of which each one 
occupies only a small territory. This contrasts strikingly with the great uniformity 
and close connection of the Melanesian and Polynesian as well as, on the other hand, 
of the Australian languages. It presupposes a long time of quite separate existence of 
each group, a fact which ought not to be overlooked in weighing all questions of origin 
relating to the single parts of the psychical and social life, as well as of the crafts 
and technology of these tribes. 

Although occupying myself at such length with the Papuan languages I do not 
wish it to be thought that the Melanesian languages recorded by Mr. Ray have an 
inferior interest. There are, on the contrary, two important questions connected 
with them. First, the close resemblance which some of them bear to the Polynesian 
languages. I have explained this by the theory that they belonged to that group 
of Melanesian languages out of which the Polynesian languages took their immediate 
origin (see my Ueher das Verhaltnis der melanes-Sprachen zu der polynes^ etc, 
Sitzsb. der kais. Ak. d. W. in Wien, phil.-hist. Kl. Bd. CXLI, p. 58 sqq,). In 
Mr. Ray's book I find a new proof of it. He relates the plural pronouns of Nada, 
tomi'S, you ; Murua, ka-Sy we ; Kiriwina, iakida-si^ iakamai'Si^ we. He brings them into 
connection with several forms of other Melanesian languages, which he writes as 
follows : Nggao, ta-ti^ g'^eati^ we ; g^oa-ti^ you : Duke of York Island, da-t^ mea-t, we ; 
mua-tj you ; dia-t^ they. He thinks that ti is a plural suffix, and he follows therein 
Dr. Codrington (^Melanesian Languages^ p. 556). I venture to state that, in 
Nggao, these forms should be written t-ati^ g^e-atiy g^o-atiy d-at^ me-at^ mu-at, 
di-at^ and that ati^ at^ is nothing else than the numeral for " four," viz., (v)ati. All 
these forms represent thus a kind of "Vierzahl": t-ati = (•/ta)/(i)-(r)a/i; g'^e-ati = 

r 187 ]■ 



No. 106.] MAN. [1907. 

ffdi-ati, gami-att, kami-vati ; g^o-aii = gau-ati^ gamu-ati^ kamu-vati^ &c. In the 
Haiiie manner Noda, iomi-s, is ^ tomi -I- (va)s, Kirwina, iakida-si ^ iakida + {va)sij 
&ii. There are similar forms in other Melanesian languages : Tana, gida-ivusi, kama- 
irnsi^ kimi-wufti^ kera-ivusi ; Tana, k€(a'ha(= /a)^ kama-ha^ kimia-ha^ ila-ha. All 
tliese forms are quite analogous to certain other forms of Melanesian languages where the 
plural is indeed a trial number, as in fVano^ Ulawa^ MalantOy Ravata^ Ugi, a form which 
is identical with that of the Polynesian form of the plural of personal pronouns. 

The other point of interest in these Melanesian languages is the influence on 
them of the Papuan languages. I regret that Mr. Ray has not mentioned it. This 
Papuan influence is strikingly visible in the position of the genitive, which always 
])recedes the substantive, as in the Papuan languages but in direct opposition to the 
or her Melanesian languages. This inverted position of the genitive is the common 
feature of all Melancsiao languages of the whole of Kew Guinea and the small islands 
immediately adjacent to it, also in the German part of the great island. In close 
i'onuection with this point we find in these languages no (or nearly no) pre-positions, 
but post-positions. I have drawn attention to this in my Jahim Sprache, Wien, 1901, 
p. .57 sqq,^ and Die sprachL Verhdltnisse von Deutsch-Neuguinea^ p. 75 sqq,^ 130 sqq. 
They are of some importance because they show distinctly that these " Melanesians " 
are also, anthropologically, of mixed character, and have Papuan blood in their veins. 

The gieat comparative vocabularies which Mr. Ray has composed, and which must 
have caused him much labour, will be of great use to scholars. The author himself opens 
the* comparative study by citing numerous parallels in the other Melanesian languages. 

In the last part (IV) of his work the author discusses "the linguistic position 
" of the languages of Torres Straits, Australia, and British New Guinea." He con- 
denses the total result of his discussion in the following "general linguistic survey," 
to which, with slight exceptions,* I am glad to give my full support : — 

1. The western language of Torres Straits is Australian. 

2. The eastern language of the Straits is morphologically related to the Papuan 
of New Guinea. 

3. There is no genealogical connection between the two languages of the Straits. 

4. There is no evidence of an African, Andaman, Papuan, or Malay connection 
with the Australian languages. There are reasons for regarding the Australian as 
in a similar morphological stage to the Dravidian, but there is no genealogical rela- 
tionship proved. [Mr. Ray says quite exactly : " . . . . there is no genealogical 
" relationship proved " ; these words are to be weighed.] 

5. The Papuan languages are distinct from the Melanesian. They are in some 
respects similar to the Australian, but their exact positions are not yet proved. 

6. Languages of the Papuan type are foimd in German New Guinea. There is 
no direct evidence of their existence in Netherlands New Guinea. [This I do not 
understand, as Mr. Ray himself gives a grammar and vocabulary of the Tugeri 
language which, at least partly, has its district in Netherlands New Guinea. Lately 
th(*rc has been discovered another Papuan language at the lake of Sentani, see H. Kern, 
Jahrh. d. Koft. Akad. van Wet.y 1906, S. F.] 

7. There is insufficient evidence to connect the Papuan with the Andaman or 
Halmaheran languages. [With regard to the latter I do not see that Mr. Ray has 
taken into consideration what I have ^vritten about it in Die sprachl, Verhdltnisse 
von Deutsch'Neuguinea^ p. 133 sqq.'\ 

8. In the northern Melanesian Islands a few languages are found which have 
Papuan characteristics. 

9. Differences of grammar and vocabulary, which appear in other island lan- 
guages, appear to be remains of an an^haic Melanesian speech. There is no grammatical 

• i give them iu square brackets [ ]. 
[ 188 ] 



1907.] MAN. [No8. 106-107. 

evidence to connect them with the Papuan, but they show the Papuan diversity of 
vocabulary. 

10. The Melanesian languages of New Guinea and tho^e of the islands are closely 
(genealogically) related in grammar and vocabulary [but they have some peculiarities, 
especially in grammar, see my Die sprachl, Verhdltnisse von Deutsck'Nevguineay 
pp. 75-76.] 

11. The Melanesian languages of New Guinea and the islands stand in the same 
position with regard to the Polynesian. Both the former represent an older and fuller 
form of speech, of which the Polynesian is a later and more simplified descendant. 

The author has succeeded very well in including in these propositions all that 
a sound linguistic science is able to-day to state as certain facts, without the aid of 
any hypothesis or theory. Other students, especially ethnologists, should be very 
grateful to Mr. Ray for giving them this reliable information, which will help them 
very much. The author has done another meritorious work by refuting the " jugglery 
with words," as he justly designs it, of some fantastic authors, as, for instance, Fraser, 
Mathew, Graf von der Schulenberg, and, in this respect, Curr. He could add to 
them also Trombetti, who in this field of research [I speak provisionally] had no other 
authorities and used no other methods than those stigmatised by Mr. Ray. If lin- 
guistic science is not to lose all credit and all authority it must give up such infantile 
"methods." For the contrary method, that of thorough exactness and sound sense, 
Mr. Ray, as in all his works, gives, in this also, the best example. 

Mr. Sidney H. Ray's name, as that of the discoverer of the Papuan languages, 
will be for ever well recorded in the history of linguistic science. The present 
volume, which has given him the opportunity of publishing his discoveries in a more 
monumental form and of unveiling all the details of them, enables us still more to 
appreciate both the extraordinary weight of the discoveries and the great merits of 
the discoverer. The interests of linguistic science demand that Mr. Ray should be 
placed in a position to continue his important studies. P. W. SCHMIDT, S.V.D. 



Further India. Schmidt. 

Die Mon- Khmer- Volker ein Bindeglied zwischen Vblkern Zentralasiens und fO^ 
austronesiens. Von P. W. Schmidt, S.V.D. mit drei Karten. Braunschweig, lUf 
1906. (Sonderabdruck aus dem Archiv fiir Anthropologie, Neue Folge, Band V, 
Heft 1 und 2). Pp. x + 157. 20 x U cm. 

In this paper P. Schmidt continues his valuable series of contributions to the 
study of the Mon-Khmer group of peoples and languages. In earlier papers he had 
discussed the internal structure of the Mon-Khmer languages, and the relation to them 
of the Khasi and languages of the Malay Peninsula ; in the present he deals with the 
external relations, and discusses their connection on one side with certain languages of 
India, and with the Nikobar, and on the other with the Indonesian and languages of 
the great island region east of Asia. His argument is mainly based on language, as 
anthropological data are somewhat deficient. He classifies the languages under discus- 
sion as Austroasiatic and Austrone.sian. In the former he distinguishes seven groups : 
these are : — 

1. Mixed : Tscham, Rade, Djarai, Sedang. These languages are Mon-Khmer in 
construction and word-buildhig, but have appropriated a considerable number of 
Malayan loan words, including the personal pronouns and numerals. 

2. The Mon-Khmer group. With these literary languages of Pegu and Cambogia 
are included the Bahnar and Stieng, the greater number of the languages of the Moi 
races, and the Bersisi and Jakuu of the Malay Peninsula. 

3. Senoi (Sakei) and Semang of Malacca. 

[ 189 ] 



No. 107.] MAN [1907. 

4. Falong, Wa and Riang of the Salwiii Basin, Upper Burma. 

5. Khasi. 

6. Nikobar. 

7. Mu^da : {a) Eastern or Kherwarl, including Santall, Mu^^^rl, Bhumij, Birh&r, 
Ko^a? Ho, Turl, Asurl, and Korwa ; (6) Western, including Eurku, Khafia, and Juang, 
with the mixed Savara and Gadaba. 

The area occupied hy the speakers of these languages is considered by P. Schmidt 
to have been originally much larger. It has become contracted, and the various groups 
disconnected by contact with Aryans and Dravidians on the west and Tibeto-Burmans 
on the east. 

Schmidt's Austronesian languages comprise the Indonesian, Melanesian, and Poly- 
nesian. The homogeneity of these, as first established by Humboldt for Indonesian 
and Poly-nesian (Malay o-Polynesian), and later by the inclusion of Melanesian through 
the work of von der Gabelentz, Fr. Miiller, Codrington and Kern, is taken for granted. 
The existence of Papuan (i.e., non- Austronesian languages) having been lately proved 
in New Guinea and elsewhere, has not only more clearly defined the linguistic position, 
but has provided a means for greater anthropological and ethnological certainty. 

A sketch is given of previous attempts to determine the relationship of the 
Austronesian languages. Bopp's affiliation of them to the Ind o- German ic • has been 
long abandoned, but Keane's essay to prove a connection between the Oceanic and the 
languages of Further India {Journ, Anthr, Inst.^ 1880), and especially with the Khmer 
and Bahnar, is considered by Schmidt to contain the correct kernel, obscured by incor- 
rect details due to the then deficient knowledge of the languages. Schmidt also refers 
to the discussion by George von der Gabelentz of the Austronesian relations of the 
Nikobar languages. He regards the thesis as true, although the comparisons of 
Gabelentz are in many cases weak, and in the light of later knowledge somewhat 
hazardous. 

An important point in connection with Schmidt's argument is the conclusion of 
H. Kern, based on a comparison of certain common words, that the original home of 
the Austronesian was either on the east coast of Further India or on one of the great 
Indonesian Islands. Schmidt proposes not only to indicate this original Sfamm-land 
of the Austronesian people and languages, but also to demonstrate their relationship to 
a people and language whose district, now indeed dismembered, extended from nearly 
the southern end of the Further Indian Peninsula, through its whole length, and on its 
western border came into contact with another folk and language group which extended 
across Further India, and of which traces are still to be found in the centre and west 
of the Himalayas. 

P. Schmidt's first section discusses the " Linguistic connection of the Austraasiatic 
*' people with one another," a subject which has been partially treated by Logan, 
Forbes, Fr. Miiller, and E. Kuhns. In a work on ''die Sprachen der Sakei und 
" Semang auf Malakka und ihr Verhaltnis zu den Mon-Khmer Sprachen," Schmidt 
has himself fixed the position of the languages of the wild tribes of the Malayan 
peninsula with regard to the Mon-Khmer {see Max, 1902, 47). This conclusion has 
been very generally accepted as correct, and it is clearly apparent in the linguistic 
part of Skeat and Blagden's Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula, The principles 
upon which the languages of the Mon-Khmer group should be analysed were inves- 
tigated by P. Schmidt in his Grundzuge einer Lautlehre der Mon-Khmer Sprachen 
{see Max, 1906, 106), and these principles were applied to an analysis of the Khasi 
language in Grundzuge einer Lautlehre der Khasi- Sprac he {see Max, 1906, 106) 
showing that the Khasi was related (with differences) to the Mon-Khmer group. A 
supplement to this paper also showed reasons for including the Wa, Palong and Riang 
languages of Upper Burma in the same group. 

[ 190 ] 



1907.] MAN. [No. 107. 

These earlier jiapers of Schmidt cleared the ground for this section of the present 
paper, which is thus mainlj devoted to the connection of the Nikobar and Mu^^^ 
group with the Mon-Khmer. 

The relationship of the Nikobar languages to Mon-Khmer has been both affirmed 
and denied. Schmidt here asserts positively that the Nikobar is not, as is often 
asserted, a polysyllabic language, but monosyllabic, closely allied to the Mon-Khmer 
and Khasi, and building its words by the same prefixes and infixes. It is, however, 
differentiated from the Mon-Khmer by the use of suffixes. The subject is not fully 
discussed by the author, who promises to deal with it in a separate work. 

The Munda languages are also not fully discussed. They are shown, however, 
to use the same prefixes and infixes as the Mon-Elmier, for exactly the same gram- 
matical functions. Suffixes are also used as in Nikobar. 

In his second section P. Schmidt deals briefly with ^^ the Anthropological relation- 
^ ship of the Austroasiatic people to each other.^^ He shows that in physical 
character they have : ( 1 ) skulls dolichocephalic to the highest mesaticephalic ; (2) hori- 
zontal, non-oblique eyes, with round, not narrow, slit eye openings ; (3) broad nostrils ; 
(4) dark skin ; (5) more or less wavy hair ; (6) short to middle stature. He gives a 
table showing the head-length, breadth, and nasal indices of Senoi, Mon-Khmer, 
Nikobar, and Mu^da people, with the orbital indices in Mon-Khmer, and stature in 
Senoi and Mu^^^- 

His conclusion is that the anthropological evidence, so far as it goes, shows no 
positive evidence against the connection of these peoples, but much in its favour, 
and that with better knowledge there may soon be good grounds for associating an 
anthropological with the linguistic unity. 

P. Schmidt next deals with the connection of the Austroasiatic and Austronesian 
languages. It is this part of his treatise which will, no doubt, provoke most discussion. 
That the agreements between the two groups have not before been noted is attributed 
to the fact of there being so few students of the Indian and Further Indian languages 
who are equally skilled in Austronesian. 

The evidence for the philological relationship of the Austroasiatic and Austro- 
nesian is stated as follows : — 

1. A complete identity in phonology. 

2. A complete original unity in the method of word-building. 

3. An agreement in numerous and important features of grammar, such as — 

(a) The postposition of the genitive. 

(b) The addition and partly the form of the possessive. 

(c) The appearance of an inclusive and exclusive form of the first person 

plural in many of the languages. 
{d) The appearance of a dual and trial number in many of the languages. 

4. An extensive agreement in vocabulary. 

Certain difficulties which appear are discussed by P. Schmidt in detail. One of 
the most striking is the derivation of the usually dissyllabic Austronesian words from 
monosyllabic roots. Word-building is carried on by means of prefixes, infixes, and 
suffixes as in MuQ^^a. The prefixed particles are found in two stages. In the first, 
which is now nowhere in living use and is especially torpid in the present Austro- 
nesian, a consonant is prefixed to the root, the original function of which is difficult 
to determine. A few of these prefixes are explainable as, c.^., Aa, which expresses 
homogeneity in Nikobar and Austronesian ; pa (ra, /a, Aa), forming causatives in 
Mon-Khmer, Nikobar, and Austronesian ; la (na) forming adjectives and perfect 
passive participles, and ma forming present participles and gerunds in all the lan- 
guages. A second stage in the prefix system consists in the addition of a nasal or 
liquid between the prefix and the stem, giving rise to words beginning with Aa«, tatty 

[ 191 ] 



No. 107.] MAN. [1907. 

pnn^ &c., or ker^ ter, per, &c. Schmidt deals with the infixes and suffixes in a similar 
way. His suggestioDs open up a very interesting field of enquiry which will probal)ly 
need much closer investigation before certainty is attained. The great variety iu the 
word store of the Austronesian languages, of which only a tithe cau he used for 
Schmidt's comparisons, requires very cautious dealing. 

The next section deals with the anthropological relations of the Austronesian 
people. The question whether there is an anthropological agreement corresponding 
to the linguistic is admitted to be a difficult one, and, as Schmidt points out, would 
be still more difficult if the term " Malayo - Polynesian " were used instead of the 
more general "Austronesian," on account of the brachycephalism of the Malay, 
Javanese, and Philippine races and the general occurrence of the same characteristics 
in Polynesia, especially in Samoa and Tonga. But recent measurements bring out the 
fact that there is even in Indonesia a dolichocephalic as well as a brachycephalic element, 
especially in Sumatra and Borneo. In dealing with these the presence of a possible 
Papuan clement has to be allowed, although Schmidt thinks the frizzled hair of the 
Papuans is an obstacle. The deviation of the Malays, Javanese, and Philippinos may 
have originated through an infiux of Mongolian people. 

The main portion of the paper concludes with a few general notes. Schmidt 
considers that the point from which the movement of these peoples began is to be 
found at the extreme western end of the region which they have traversed. He 
suggests the term Austric as an inclusive name for the two groups. He urges the 
importance of the study of the connection of these languages and people for the 
solution of many yet unsolved problems of ethnology and the distribution of culture. 

In a lengthy supplement Schmidt deals with the word store of the languages. 
The Nikobar is discussed first, and 212 words are shown to have cognates in Mon- 
Khmer and Khasi. One language of the Mun^a group, the Santali, is similarly dealt 
with, showing 345 words comparable with Mon-Khmer, Khasi, and Nikobar. Finally, 
215 Austronesian words are compared with Austroasiatic, the Austronesian forms being 
mainly those current in Indonesia (Malay, Javan, Sunda, Batak, Dayak, Philippine, 
Malagasy) with Fiji and Mota, and occasional words from New Guinea or Polynesia. 
All the words in the comparative vocabularies are classified according to the initial 
consonant of the root. I quote some of the first examples under each class of 
consonant as examples of Schmidt's comparisons : — 

Guttural. — Malay, Javanese, bakUy Madura, paku^ Dayak, hako^ doughy, sticky. || Khmer, kaw 
lime, Mon, kdw, lime, paste, Nikol)ar, pqkuu^ resin, pitch. 

Palatal. — Malay, fifak, Javanese, fet'ak^ Sunda, fat'ak, Tagal, trntrnkii^ Batak, Hoxakj 
Dayak, ttutaky Tagal, namk^ Bisaya, noksok^ Makassar, fafa^ Bugis, VU^a^ lizard || Khmer, ('•aruk, 
Mon, ffticak^ Nikobar, kalok-clAkq^ small lizard. 

Dental. — Tagala, Bisaya, kita^ Bugis? Dayak, mita^ Ita^ Madagascar, hita^ S.E. New Guinea, 
kita, ffita, ita^ gia^ ia, Polynesian, klte^ ite, to see. || Khmer, preta. 

General Intlonesian, hatu (ratuj, Melauesian, ratu, fatu^ ray, Polynesian, whatu, fatu, afu, stone 
^ Khmer, ta. 

Labial. — Malay, Javanese, Sunda, Batak, Dayak, pipi, Madagascar, Ji/i/, cheek ^ Nikobar, 
tqpoq, Bahnar, h^. 

Y-INITIAL. — Malay, Javanese, Sunda, Dayak, Makassar, Ibanag, hiyu, Matlagascnr, hazu. Batak, 
had'v, hayu, Bugis, ad*v^ Tagal, kahuy, Bisaya, k4ihul, Melanesian, k»u, gau, hau, ay, kni, gat, ka'h 
a'i, Polynesian, rakav^ akau, raau, laau, aau, tree. || Khmer, jho, wood (in general), Mon. chu, W(H>d 
w(KKlwork, Stieng, /♦//, tree, wood, ? Nikobar, hihoi, small coco plant. 

Before Schmidt's conclusions can be fully accepteil it is necessary that the dis- 
tribution and classificatory power of the allege<l prefixed syllables in many Austronesian 
words should be more closely examined. It is to be hoped that the author will follow 
his promised study of the Nikobar and Munda languages by a fuller treatise on the 
word-buihling of the Austronesian. / SIDNEY H. RAY.>['I 

Printe<l by Eybe and Spottiswoode, His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, K.C. 



3^05Q0aj4lHj50 



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